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来源:度排名服务平台    发布时间:2019年02月23日 08:53:29    编辑:admin         

BEIJING, Dec. 16 (Xinhuanet) — Another series of food safety scandals, and this time, it’s China’s high-end liquor industry that’s feeling the heat. It started last month when plasticizer was found in Bai Jiu produced by Jiuguijiu.北京,12月16日(新华网)— 又一食品系列的安全丑闻,这次轮到中国的高端白酒行业处于水深火热之中。上个月开始,酒鬼酒生产的白酒被发现含有有塑化剂。Plasticizers can harm the liver, kidneys and reproductive system. Now, another famous drink – Moutai Jiu – made by Kweichow Moutai – has been accused by an anonymous report of also containing the chemical.塑化剂会伤害肝脏、肾脏和生殖系统。现在,另一个著名酒业—茅台酒—由贵州茅台生产—被匿名举报也含有塑化剂。Kweichow Moutai suspended stock market trading for one day, after the report from Hong Kong was posted online. The report shows 3.3 milligrams of plasticizer — that’s nearly 50 percent above Hong Kong health limits. The Hong Kong report was posted by a person with the nickname “Shui Jinghuang”. He said he sent the sample to Hong Kong because he didn’t get a reply from Moutai in time.香港的报告在网上发布之后,贵州茅台暂停股票市场交易一天。香港报告显示有3.3毫克的塑化剂—这比香港的卫生限制超过将近50%。香港的报告是一个绰号叫“水晶皇”的人发布的。他说因为没有从茅台公司及时得到回复,才把样品送到香港检测的。The following day, the company ed findings by the national food supervision body and other organizations, which say its liquor meets national standards. Kweichow Moutai responded, saying it doubts the credibility of the test. The company pointed out that there’s no batch identification of the sample and that the layout appears to be faked.第二天,该公司援引由国家食品监管机构和其他组织的调查结果,表示它的酒符合国家标准。贵州茅台表示,他们怀疑香港那份报告的可信度。该公司指出,样品没有批次识别,很明显是伪造的。Yuan Renguo, Board Chairman of Kweichow Moutai, said, “Someone wanted to take advantage of public food safety awareness. They’ve made up this food safety issue. They wanted to create panic, do harm to China’s liquor industry and the interests of investors, in order to make quick money for themselves. ”贵州茅台的董事会主席袁仁国表示,“有人想利用公众食品安全意识。他们编造了这次食品安全问题。他们为了使自己赚快钱,想制造恐慌,危害中国白酒行业和投资者的利益。”Moutai’s chief engineer, Wang Li, says she’s confident about Moutai’s quality.茅台的首席工程师王丽表示,她对茅台的质量有信心。Safe or not safe?安全还是不安全?That remains the simple question puzzling people across the country.这仍然是令全国人民费解的问题。 /201212/214937。

Let the art market roar. Norwegian painter Edvard Munch became the most expensive artist at auction Wednesday when his 1895 pastel of a terrified man clutching his cheeks along an Oslo fjord, #39;The Scream,#39; sold for 9.9 million at Sotheby#39;s--the most ever paid for a work of art at auction. 艺术品市场也疯狂了一次。周三,挪威画家蒙克(Edvard Munch)成了拍卖会上身价最高的艺术家:他在1895年创作的一个版本的《呐喊》(The Scream)在苏富比(Sotheby#39;s)拍出了1.199亿美元的高价,这是迄今为止单件艺术作品在拍卖会上拍出的最高价格。蒙克的《呐喊》描绘了一个受到惊吓的男子在奥斯陆峡湾旁双手托住脸颊的画面。The purchase surpasses the 6.5 million spent two years ago for Pablo Picasso#39;s 1932 portrait of his mistress, #39;Nude, Green Leaves and Bust,#39; as well as Alberto Giacometti#39;s earlier record of 4.3 million for his 1960 spindly bronze sculpture, #39;Walking Man I.#39; Everett Collection图片:蒙克名作《呐喊》的别样化身这一价格超过了毕加索(Pablo Picasso)1932年为他的情妇创作的肖像《裸体、绿叶和半身像》(Nude, Green Leaves and Bust)在两年前拍出的1.065亿美元的高价,也打破了贾科梅蒂(Alberto Giacometti)1960年创作的青铜雕塑《行走的人》(Walking Man I)拍出的1.043亿美元的纪录。In a dogged contest at the auction house#39;s New York saleroom, the bidding for Munch#39;s #39;Scream#39; began at million and shot up quickly, with five bidders from America and China competing for the sunset-colored portrait. Charlie Moffett, a Sotheby#39;s specialist who represents American buyers, fielded the anonymous winning bid from a telephone. 在纽约苏富比的拍卖大厅里,围绕《呐喊》的一场紧张的争夺战由此开始:此画从4,000万美元起拍,此后价格迅速蹿升,五位来自美国和中国的竞拍者相互竞争这幅日落颜色的画作,代表美国买家的苏富比专家莫菲特(Charlie Moffett)替一位以匿名方式电话竞拍的买家成功拍得这一画作。The work had been priced to sell for around million. Sale prices, unlike estimates, include the auction house#39;s commission, which is 25% on the first ,000, 20% up to million and 12% above million. 此前这幅作品定下的销售价约为8,000万美元。和估价不同,销售价还包括拍卖行收取的佣金。苏富比按如下比率收取佣金:如果落槌价在5万美元及以下,佣金为落槌价的25%;如果落槌价在50,001美元至100万美元之间,佣金为落槌价的20%;如果落槌价高于100万美元,佣金为落槌价的12%。The sale reflects the trophy-hunting atmosphere currently buoying the global art market, as billionaires around the world vie for the few masterpieces that come up for sale in any given season. Their collective bidding has also helped recalibrate price levels for dozens of top artists. 《呐喊》拍出创纪录高价反映了目前提振全球艺术品市场的一股追逐珍品的氛围。在任何一个拍卖季都可以看到全球亿万富豪在争夺待售的寥寥几件杰作。这些富豪集体竞拍的行为有助于抬高数十位顶尖艺术家的身价。Outside the auction houses, artworks have aly traded for even more: Five years ago Chicago collector Stefan Edlis sold his Andy Warhol #39;Turquoise Marilyn#39; to hedge-fund billionaire Steven Cohen for at least million. 在拍卖行外,艺术品的交易价格往往更高。五年前,芝加哥收藏家艾德里斯(Stefan Edlis)将其收藏的沃霍尔(Andy Warhol)的画作《玛丽莲#8226;梦露》(Turquoise Marilyn)以至少8,000万美元的价格卖给对冲基金业的亿万富豪科恩(Steven Cohen)。Dealers say Greek shipping magnate George Embiricos sold his Paul Cezanne painting, #39;Card Players,#39; to an anonymous buyer last year for at least 0 million. Details of that 0 million sale remain cloudy in part because Embiricos died last fall, and no buyer for his record-setting painting has since stepped forward. Dealers say the likely buyers include Qatar#39;s royal family, which declined to comment, and billionaires from Greece and Russia. 艺术品经销商说,希腊船王安布里柯斯(George Embiricos)去年将其收藏的塞尚(Paul Cezanne)名作《玩纸牌的人》(Card Players)以至少2.5亿美元的价格出售给一位匿名买家。有关这宗2.5亿美元交易的细节仍然不为人所知,部分原因是安布里柯斯已于去年秋天去世。自那以后,以创纪录高价购得这幅名作的买家一直没有现身。艺术品经销商说,可能的买家包括卡塔尔王室以及希腊和俄罗斯的亿万富豪。卡塔尔王室对此不予置评。#39;There#39;s a lot of money out there now, and it doesn#39;t take many billionaires to push up a price,#39; said Edlis, the Chicago collector, before the sale. #39;You can only buy so many yachts, and a painting is so much better to look at than a bankbook.#39; Edlis said he didn#39;t plan to enter the fray on the Munch. 芝加哥收藏家艾德里斯在卖画之前曾说,市场上的资金非常充裕,并不需要多位亿万富豪争相出价才能推高价格;你总不会买下太多艘游艇,而且跟存折比起来,名画看上去要漂亮多了。艾德里斯曾说他不打算参与《呐喊》的竞拍。Elsewhere in Sotheby#39;s sale, collectors also chased after a group of works coming from the estate of financier Theodore Forstmann, a pioneer in the leveraged-buyout business. Forstmann was the senior founding partner of the investment firm Forstmann Little amp; Co., and chairman and CEO of IMG Worldwide Holdings Inc. 在苏富比2号晚上的拍卖中,藏家也在追逐已故金融家福斯特曼(Theodore Forstmann)收藏的艺术品。福斯特曼是杠杆收购业务的先驱,也是投资公司Forstmann Little amp; Co.的高级创始合伙人,还是IMG Worldwide Holdings Inc.的董事长兼首席执行长(CEO)。Leading this group of colorful, modern paintings and bronze sculptures was Picasso#39;s .2 million #39;Woman Sitting in a Chair#39; from 1941, and Chaim Soutine#39;s .3 million #39;The Hunter of Maxim#39;s#39; from 1925. 在这组琳琅满目的现代绘画和铜雕当中,售价最高的是毕加索作于1941年的《坐在扶手椅的妇女》(Woman Sitting in a Chair),成交价2,920万美元,以及苏蒂纳(Chaim Soutine)作于1925年的《猎人》(The Hunter of Maxim#39;s),成交价930万美元。The record-setting Munch was considered a plum as much for its rarity as for its pop-culture ubiquity. One of four versions of #39;The Scream#39; that Munch created, this version was the only one not in an Oslo museum and the first to ever come up at auction. The image has also been reproduced on everything from ice-cream containers to the villain#39;s mask in Wes Craven#39;s #39;Scream#39; horror films. 卖出天价的蒙克作品之所以受到追捧,除了非常稀有以外,也由于它在流行文化中无处不在。蒙克一共创作了四个版本的《呐喊》,周三拍卖的是唯一一个没有被某家奥斯陆物馆收藏的版本,也是有史以来第一个被拍卖的版本。画中的影像还被复制在各种东西上面,如装冰激凌的盒子,又比如克雷文(Wes Craven)《惊声尖叫》(Scream)系列恐怖片中那位反面角色所戴的面具。#39;The Scream#39; carries its own mystique, having come from the collection of Petter Olsen, a Norwegian real-estate developer and shipping heir who grew up with the work in the living room of his childhood home. His father, Thomas Olsen, a neighbor of Munch#39;s in the small Norwegian town of Hvitsten, bought the work from the German coffee magnate who likely commissioned it. During World War II, Olsen said his family hid the work along with dozens of other Munch artworks in a hay barn to protect them from the Nazis, who were destroying artworks they deemed degenerate. Olsen has said he offered up #39;The Scream#39; now in order to fund a museum of Munch#39;s work in Hvitsten to open next year. 《呐喊》本身也有其神秘色。它是挪威房地产开发商、船业继承人奥尔森(Petter Olsen)的藏品之一。在他成长期间,这幅画一直挂在童年时期居所的起居室内。他的父亲托马斯#8226;奥尔森(Thomas Olsen)是蒙克在挪威小镇维斯滕(Hvitsten)的邻居,他从一位德国咖啡大鳄手中买下了这幅作品,很可能是这位咖啡大鳄委托他画的这幅画。奥尔森说,二战期间,他们家把《呐喊》和蒙克其他数十年作品藏在装干草的仓房内,以防纳粹破坏──当时纳粹正在大肆毁坏他们认为低俗的作品。奥尔森曾表示,现在把《呐喊》拿出来拍卖是为了给维斯滕小镇的一座蒙克作品展馆筹资,这座展馆将于明年开放。The work itself depicts a bald, skeletal figure in a blue shirt standing at a popular suicide spot on Oslo#39;s horseshoe-shaped bay where people could often heard screams from a nearby insane asylum, according to art historians. Munch#39;s sister, who had been diagnosed with schizophrenia, was housed in that asylum. (There#39;s still debate over whether Munch#39;s character is actually screaming or using his hands to muffle the sound of surrounding screams.) 据艺术史学家说,作品本身描绘的是一个身穿蓝色衬衫、骨瘦如柴的秃顶的人站在奥斯陆马蹄型海湾上一个常常有人自杀的地方。在那里,人们常常会听到附近一家精神病院里传出的尖叫声。蒙克被诊断为精神分裂的就被关在那家精神病院里。(至于画中人物究竟是在尖叫,还是用手捂住耳朵阻挡周围的尖叫声,仍然存在争论。)The third in a series created between 1893 and 1910, Sotheby#39;s version was created with pastel on rough board and offered in its original frame, which is inscribed with an 1892 poem Munch wrote, which inspired the work. In the poem, he says he was walking beside that fjord when he sensed #39;an infinite scream passing through nature.#39;苏富比拍卖的作品是蒙克在1893年到1910年之间创作的系列作品中的第三幅,用粉蜡笔在粗木板上绘成,和原配的画框一起出售。画框上题写了蒙克作于1892年的一首诗,正是这首诗激发了这幅作品的创作灵感。蒙克在诗中说,他正在海湾旁边行走,突然感觉从大自然中传来连绵不绝的尖叫声。Historians hail Munch for breaking away from the Impressionists who still held sway over the art world in the late 19th century. Instead of playing with light and shadow to capture the world around him, Munch experimented with ways to visualize his own tormented emotions--a shift that helped pave the way for the Expressionists like Egon Schiele along with later Abstract Expressionists like Mark Rothko. 19世纪末的艺术界由印象派主宰,而对于蒙克同印象派决裂的做法艺术史学家历来称赞不已。蒙克没有运用光影来描绘他周围的世界,而是通过各种实验将自己痛苦的情绪呈现为视觉。这种转变在某种程度上为席勒(Egon Schiele)等表现主义派以及后来的罗斯科(Mark Rothko)等抽象表现主义派奠定了基础。 /201205/180751。

When this small city in northeastern China launched a plan to build a satellite city six miles down the road, it got off to a promising start. 当铁岭这个位于中国东北部的小城市计划在距离该市6英里(9.65公里)的地方兴建一座卫星城时,这个城市翻开了前景光明的一页。 Urban planners spent millions of yuan to clean up surrounding marshland that had become a dumping ground for the city#39;s untreated sewage. A pristine environment, they hoped, would help attract the businesses that would raise incomes and swell the population. 城市规划者耗资人民币数百上千万元来清理周边已经成为未处理污水排放地的沼泽区。他们希望一个崭新的环境能够吸引企业在这里安营扎寨,从而提高居民收入和增加这里的人口数量。 Four years later, Tieling New City is virtually a ghost town. 然而四年后,铁岭新城实际上已经变成一个鬼城。 Clean waterways weave among deserted residential and government buildings. Housing blocks that won recognition from the ed Nations for providing good affordable homes are almost empty. The businesses that were supposed to create local employment haven#39;t materialized. Without jobs, there is little incentive for anybody to move here. 清洁的水道蜿蜒于空旷的住宅和政府建筑之间。在曾经因提供质优价廉住房而获得联合国(ed Nations)认可的住宅区,几乎无人居住。引进企业创造就业的计划也未能落实。没有工作机会,人们就没有迁居至此的动力。 Tieling symbolizes the enormous challenges Chinese Premier Li Keqiang faces as he touts urbanization─a process analysts expect will see 250 million people move from rural areas to cities over 20 years─as the force that will ensure his country#39;s economy keeps growing well into the future. 铁岭的情况彰显出中国总理李克强面临的巨大挑战。他认为城市化是确保未来中国经济持续增长的推动力。分析师们预计,未来20年,在城市化进程中将有2.5亿人口从农村地区迁移至城市。 #39;Urbanization will not only drive tremendous consumption and investment demand, and create employment opportunities, but directly affect the well-being of the people,#39; Mr. Li said in March during his first news conference as Chinese premier. 李克强3月份在当选中国总理后的首个新闻发布会上说,城市化不仅会推动巨大的消费和投资需求并增加就业机会,还会直接影响到人民的生活质量。 Mr. Li has yet to present a detailed vision of how to achieve his economic goals. 李克强尚未公布一份有关如何实现他经济目标的详细计划。 In theory, urbanization stimulates growth because city dwellers typically earn more than their rural counterparts, allowing them to spend more on consumer goods and services. 理论上说,城市化之所以能刺激经济增长,是因为城市居民的收入通常高于农村居民,他们在消费品和务方面的出也就更多。 For the government to realize that payoff, though, it must create jobs that will draw people into the cities. Tieling underscores the difficulty. 但政府要想实现这样的结果,则必须能够创造出就业机会,将人们吸引到城市。铁岭的情况凸显了这种难度。 Among the few business owners lured to a development park in Tieling New City is Bo Yuquan, the middle-aged owner of a flooring store. 薄玉全是铁岭新城一个开发区吸引到的为数不多的几个企业主之一。这位中年企业主经营着一家地板材料商店。 #39;Where are the people? There#39;s no one here,#39; said Mr. Bo. #39;I#39;ll be out of business soon. My staff and I are discussing moving to Beijing to find work.#39; 薄玉全说,人都在哪儿?这里根本没有人。他说,他不久就会关闭店铺,他和员工正在商量去北京找工作。 Said Hu Jie, the designer of the new city#39;s landscape: #39;In 10 to 20 years, Tieling could be a good development, but only if you can manage to bring businesses in.#39; 铁岭新城景观设计者胡洁说,未来10到20年,铁岭可能会有不错的发展,但前提是你能设法把企业吸引来。 The Chinese export sector drove earlier waves of urbanization but is thought unlikely to do so again, what with demand still weak in developed economies and rising costs making Chinese goods less competitive globally. Massive overcapacity in many industries, including steel, solar and shipbuilding, will further constrain job creation. 中国出口行业推动了此前的城市化浪潮,但考虑到发达经济体需求依旧疲软,并且成本上升令中国制造的产品在全球失去竞争力,出口行业已被认为不大可能再度发挥这样的作用。包括钢铁、太阳能和造船在内的许多工业领域产能严重过剩,这会进一步抑制就业增长。 In recent years, cities have filled the gap with construction jobs created by a nationwide investment boom. While that has kept China#39;s economy buoyant, it also has thrown up empty suburbs and ghost cities like Tieling New City across the country. 近年来,很多城市利用全国投资热潮创造的建筑就业填补了这个缺口。此举维持中国经济呈现出欣欣向荣的景象,但同时也在全国各地造就了没有人烟的郊区和铁岭新城这样的鬼城。 The investment boom has threatened to fuel inflation and bog down the financial sector with bad loans, particularly if people don#39;t move in and bring the promised economic dividend. 这股投资热潮可能会令通胀加剧,并带来坏账,使金融业陷入困境,特别是如果人们不乔迁新城、无法带来承诺中的经济红利的话。 China has a record of building first and creating demand later, notably in Shanghai, where a decade ago the towering new Pudong business district initially failed to attract tenants but later became a symbol of China#39;s success. 中国有先盖楼后创造需求的做法,最明显的就是在上海。10年前,高楼林立的浦东新商业区最初无法吸引到租户,但后来却成为了中国成功的象征。 Many smaller cities lack the pulling power of Shanghai. 很多小城市缺乏上海那样的拉动力。 #39;With more and better job opportunities in higher-tier cities, many lower-tier cities have actually been experiencing a net outflow of population, while land sales [to home builders] there increased rapidly, exacerbating the housing oversupply,#39; wrote Credit Suisse property analyst Du Jinsong in a recent note. 瑞信(Credit Suisse)房地产分析师杜劲松不久前在一份报告中写道:由于一、二线城市有更多更好的就业机会,很多三、四线城市的人口实际上一直在净流出,同时那些地方出售给开发商的土地快速增加,令房屋供过于求的情况雪上加霜。 According to population data collected by Mr. Du on 287 Chinese cities, about two-thirds, mostly smaller urban centers, had fewer residents than people who were registered to live there, suggesting people have been leaving their home cities. 据杜劲松收集的有关中国287个城市的人口数据显示,大约三分之二的城市(多半是规模较小的中心城市)常住人口少于户籍人口,这表明人们一直在离开家乡城市。 Tieling, a city of about 340,000, launched its plan to build a new city in 2005, part of a broader strategy by the Liaoning provincial leadership to revive a local rust-belt economy. 铁岭是个有约34万人口的城市,2005年启动了修建新城的计划。这也是辽宁省领导层振兴当地老工业经济战略的一部分。 The plan was to stimulate growth around Tieling and six other nearby cities by building highways and high-speed rail lines connecting them with Shenyang, a metropolis that is about a 90-minute drive south of Tieling. 该计划原是要通过修建高速公路和铁路将铁岭和附近其它六个城市与辽宁省会沈阳相连,从而刺激周边经济增长。沈阳位于铁岭以南,驱车大约90分钟。 The idea was that companies would be drawn to the satellite cities by cheaper land and lower labor costs, while still enjoying proximity to the region#39;s largest city. Tieling#39;s new city was expected to house 60,000 residents in 2010 and later triple that number. 当时的想法是,企业会因地价便宜和劳动成本低廉而被吸引到那些卫星城,同时还能毗邻东北最大城市沈阳。原先曾预计铁岭新城到2010年有常住人口6万人,之后再增加两倍。 In 2009 the wetlands#39; rejuvenation was complete, along with the new city#39;s infrastructure, canals, government offices and some apartment buildings. The new city won a special mention from the U.N. Human Settlements Program for #39;providing a well-developed and modern living space.#39; 2009年,湿地恢复工程竣工,同时新城的基建、水渠、政府大楼和一些公寓楼也相继建成。铁岭新城因为提供了成熟完善的现代化生活空间还得到了联合国人居署(U.N. Human Settlements Program)的特别表扬。 But come dusk, the lights in row after row of apartment buildings remain off. Salespeople, security guards and the small smattering of residents say almost all of the accommodation is empty. 但每到傍晚,一排排的公寓楼都没有灯光亮起。销售人员、保安和极少数住在这里的居民说,几乎所有房屋都没有人住。 A development park set up to attract providers of back-office services to financial firms, such as data storage, was supposed to employ 15,000 to 20,000 people by the end of the this year, according to the park#39;s website. 某开发区网站显示,该开发区到今年底本应雇用1.5万至2万人。其建立初衷是想吸引为金融企业提供后台务的公司,如数据存储等。 Situated on the outskirts of the new city, the park is easy to miss. It is home to only two companies, one of which, a bank office, employs fewer than 20, said its security guard. 这个坐落于铁岭新城郊区的开发区很不起眼。保安说,现在只有两个公司在这里落户,其中一个是办事处,雇用了不到20人。 Another park filled with warehouses outside the new city fares little better. Marketed as a trading hub for China#39;s northeast region, it was supposed to foster a logistics industry by taking advantage of Tieling#39;s location near two major highways and a port, with rail links to Shenyang and the rest of the northeast. 另一个位于铁岭新城以外、到处建有仓库的开发区也好不到哪去。该开发区曾以东北贸易枢纽的口号被推向市场,原以为可利用铁岭的地理优势培育出一个物流产业。铁岭靠近两大主要高速公路和一个港口,且与沈阳和东北其它地方有铁路相连。 Although most of the shop space has been sold, the park lies largely empty except for a handful of wholesalers. Meanwhile, there are plans for the park to double in size, an expansion that would include more apartment buildings. 虽然大多数店面都已售出,但园区基本上还是空荡荡的,只有少数几家批发商。与此同时,有关方面还有将园区规模扩大一倍的计划,包括兴建更多的公寓楼。 #39;The park doesn#39;t have any advantages over Shenyang#39;s wholesale markets,#39; said Liu Wei, a researcher at the government-backed Institute of Comprehensive Transportation, who worked on Tieling#39;s plans for a logistics center. 政府持的综合运输研究所研究人员刘伟,这个园区相对于沈阳的批发市场没有任何优势。刘伟参与了铁岭的物流中心规划。 So far, the new city#39;s greatest success has been a zone dedicated to building special-purpose vehicles such as snowplows. 迄今为止,这座新城最为成功的是一个专门用于生产扫雪机等特殊用途车辆的区域。 According to a statement on the Tieling government website in April 2012, the park created 5,000 jobs for rural workers. But it also said the workers had bought apartments in a residential compound across the road from the park, far from the city centers of both old and new Tieling. 据铁岭市政府网站2012年4月的一份声明,该园区为农民工创造了5,000个工作岗位。但声明还说,工人们在园区马路对面的一个居民区买了房,远离铁岭老城和新城的市中心。 The few rural migrants who live in the new city used to farm the land it was built on. Some now work for the new city shoveling snow and sweeping streets. 居住在新城的极少数农民工曾经在园区所在的土地上耕作。一些人如今在新城从事铲雪和街道清扫的工作。 Local authorities have tried to boost the population by pushing people from the old city into the new. That effort has involved moving government offices into the new city. But so far, most government workers still commute from their existing homes. 地方当局试图增加这里的人口,促使人们从老城搬到新城。该举措包括将政府办公室迁至新城。但到目前为止,大多数政府职员仍然从原先的家通勤上下班。 The effort also has involved closing schools in the old city and the greater Tieling county and corralling the students into newly built schools in the new city. 增加人口的举措还包括关闭老城和范围更大的铁岭县的学校,将学生们集中到新城的新建学校里。 According to Sun Baocai, the office director of the Tieling Bureau of Education, 50,000 students are enrolled in classes in the new city, ranging from elementary classes to vocational courses. 据铁岭教育局办公室主任孙宝财说,新城的学校有5万名学生入学,包括从小学到职业教育课程在内的各类班级。 The hope is that parents will move to be closer to the schools. But many residents of the old city say that despite the new city#39;s pleasant environment, its lack of services and absence of a community deter them from moving. 有关方面寄希望于家长会搬到离学校更近的地方。但许多老城居民说,虽然新城环境不错,但务匮乏,也没有社区,因此他们不想搬过去。 Against all this, Tieling is choosing to keep building. The municipal government has rolled out plans to spend a further .3 billion on projects in the new city this year, including an art gallery, gymnasium and indoor swimming pool. 尽管有以上种种情况,铁岭仍然选择继续建设。市政府推出了今年在新城项目上继续开13亿美元的计划,建设项目包括美术馆、体育馆和室内游泳池。 That is despite municipal finances coming under increasing stress. 而这是在该市财政面临持续压力的情况下作出的决定。 #39;Financing costs are rising all the time, and raising capital has become even more difficult,#39; the Tieling city government said in its budget forecast for 2013. #39;Some long-term problems and imbalances have accumulated in the management of the city#39;s finances.#39; It didn#39;t say how it planned to fund the new buildings. 铁岭市政府在2013年预算预测中说,融资成本不断上升,筹集资金愈加困难。市财政管理过程中积累了一些长期问题和不平衡现象。市政府没有说计划如何为新建项目融资。 Cui Xinzi runs a stall selling leather jackets at the only shopping center in the new city. Despite having bought an apartment there three years ago, she still lives in the old city and commutes. 催信子在新城唯一的购物中心经营着一个销售皮夹克的摊位。虽然她三年前在那里买了一套公寓,但仍然住在老城,每天往返。 Ms. Cui likes the idea of retiring to the new city but isn#39;t optimistic its population will increase. #39;It still needs more time, but it#39;s really hard to say,#39; she said with a sigh. #39;They#39;re building a new shopping center, so I hope so.#39; 催信子喜欢退休后去新城的想法,但对于新城人口将会增长并不乐观。她叹息说,还需要更多时间,但真的很难说。他们在修建一个新的购物中心,因此我希望如此。 /201308/251833。

For wealthy Chinese, a big overseas life-insurance policy might be the ultimate security blanket.对于中国有钱人来说,最让他们感到安全的可能是一张海外巨额人寿保单。Worried that their hard-won fortunes could evaporate in a downturn or be wiped away by an arbitrary act of government, Chinese businesspeople have begun to embrace insurance. A slowing economy has boosted their newfound appreciation.中国商人担心辛苦赚到的资产在经济下行周期中蒸发,或是被政府的有形之手掳去。经济放缓的事实,也使得他们对保险更感兴趣。#39;I have come across some high-net-worth people who wanted to buy as much as 0 million worth of life insurance,#39; said Harrison Ho, head of wealth management at Nomura in Hong Kong.The more common policy size for mainland Chinese high-net-worth clients is million″still large by insurance standards in the rest of the world. The megapolicies are so big that insurance companies band together to reduce their risks, according to insurance brokers in Hong Kong.野村券香港私人部董事总经理何乐生说,他曾经遇到过一些大陆高净值人士想要买价值高达一亿美元的人寿保险。有香港保险经纪称,中国高净值人士更常见的保单金额是1000万美元,按照世界上其他国家的标准,这也是很高的金额。这些保单价值高到保险公司都不愿一家承担,要分到几家以分散风险。While large life-insurance policies can be expensive and offer modest returns, they fill the financial needs of some wealthy Chinese. They act as a conservative investment to offset riskier ones and they can be an effective way to get cash offshore, while at the same time performing their base function of providing for a family if the policy holder dies.高额保险不仅贵,提供的回报也不高,但对富有的中国人来说,它具有特定的功能。作为一种保守的投资,其能够帮助他们平衡高风险的投资,也不失为把现金转移到海外的一种有效办法,同时又具有投保人过世后给家人提供保障的基本作用。For Chinese business owners, there are additional reasons why these policies can make sense. Their businesses often carry lots of debt, and lately they have been struggling with the combination of rising input costs and sluggish overseas demand. If a company fails, owners could be on the hook, but life insurance is protected if companies are liquidated. That#39;s a real possibility in some highly competitive industries. After the Wenzhou debt crisis erupted in 2011, about 30 businessmen fled the country and another one committed suicide.对于中国商人来说,还有其他原因使这些高额保险有它的用武之地。他们的生意往往有很多债务,近来很多老板受要素成本上升和海外需求疲软的困扰。如果公司倒闭,企业主会有麻烦,但就算公司被清盘,他们的人寿保险还是不受影响。这种情况在中国部分激烈竞争的行业相当普遍。2011年温州债务纠纷发生后,大约有30个商人逃出中国,还有一人跳楼身亡。Another reason for wealthy Chinese to buy big insurance policies is their age. The average Chinese millionaire is just 39 years old, a full 15 years younger than the average millionaire in the ed States, according to Chinese research firm Hurun. That means they often have younger families, so big-ticket items such as education are yet to be paid.中国有钱人喜欢买高额保险还有一个原因是他们的年龄。据胡润的数据,中国百万富翁(以美元计算)的平均年龄只有39岁,比美国要小15岁。这意味着他们家庭成员的年纪还小,一些出大头比如子女的教育费用还需要付。There are good reasons to buy life insurance offshore in Hong Kong, where insurers have been hiring mainland agents to boost their business. Offshore policies offer an annual return up to 4%, compared with 2.5% in mainland China, where the government has in the past capped interest rates to protect the margins of insurers. That#39;s only slowly starting to change.在境外买保险有它的好处,香港的保险公司正在招募大陆背景的经纪人来提升销售。境外销售的保险产品的回报可以达到4%,而在中国大陆销售的产品的回报为2.5%。过去中国政府对保险产品的利率有上限,以保护保险公司的利润率,这种情况直到现在才慢慢发生转变。A study of two comparable life-insurance policies offered by AIA in China and Hong Kong shows that mainland customers pay 48% more in premiums for the same amount of insurance. If they surrender the policy after 20 years, mainland customers get 26% less cash than their Hong Kong peers.通过比较中国大陆和香港的友邦保险提供的两个类似保单可以看出,为了获得相同的保障金额,大陆的客户缴纳的保费要高出48%。如果在20年后退保,大陆的客户拿到的现金也比香港的要少26%。The two plans aren#39;t exactly the same, but insurance brokers and agents in both Hong Kong and mainland China say they are similar. AIA stated that because the insurance coverage under these products is different and they are written in different currencies, they are not directly comparable.这两张保单并非完全一样,但在中国大陆和香港的多位保险经纪和顾问认为,它们具有比较价值。友邦保险则认为,这两种保险产品有所不同,它们的货币单位也不一样,所以没有办法直接拿来做比较。One reason for the difference is that insurance companies get low returns in China, so they can pass on less to consumers. Another is China is a riskier place to offer life insurance because of less-than-healthy lifestyles, pollution and food scares, which are reflected in premiums. In fact, margins in the two markets are not that different, according to Kevin Strain, president of Canadian insurer Sunlife Financial Asia.产生如此巨大差别的一个原因可能是保险公司在中国大陆获得的投资回报更低,所以他们也没办法给客户太高的回报。还有一个原因是中国大陆对保险公司来说是个高风险的市场,因为中国人的生活方式不算太健康,还有空气污染和食物中毒等各种因素,所以有必要提高保费。其实对保险公司来说,香港和大陆的利润率是差不多的,加拿大永明金融亚洲总裁Kevin Strain说。Another reason to buy insurance overseas is that it is easier to borrow against the policies offshore, which flatters returns. Using their policy as collateral, buyers can borrow at a rate of about 2% from private banks in Hong Kong and get returns of 4% a year from the policy.还有一个在海外买保险的理由是,更容易以保单作抵押借便宜的钱,这对提高回报是有好处的。在香港,买家可以以一年2%的成本从私人借到钱,而投资在保单上可以获得一年4%的回报。For those who want to pay in full, they can also borrow against their policy and invest in higher-yielding products. Banks are willing to lend cheaply against insurance policies, which have cash value and are more liquid than properties. The strategy is less attractive when interest rates are higher.那些全款买保险的人,也可以把保单做抵押,再借出钱来,买一些高息产品。一般比较乐意接受保单为抵押品,因为它们有现金价值,比房产等流动性强。不过利率上升后,这种策略就没有那么大吸引力了。Buying policies offshore also has its catches. Some medical plans don#39;t cover mainland China. Currency movement is another risk. For those big policies, a medical examination is mandatory. Few Chinese businesspeople pass physical tests without any red flags such as high cholesterol levels, insurance brokers say. Chinese businesspeople often pay 7% to 10% more than people in Singapore or Taiwan, brokers said.在海外买保险也有其问题。比如有些医疗计划并不包括中国,汇率波动也是一个风险。对于高额保险来说,体检是必需的。保险经纪说,中国有钱人很少能够没有任何问题地通过体检,常见的毛病包括胆固醇偏高之类。中国商人往往要比新加坡和台湾的投保人多给出7%到10%的保费以弥补他们身体的缺陷。But Chinese buyers often have age on their side. The same million policy is a lot cheaper to buy at age 35 than it is for 50-year-olds.但中国买家的优势在于年轻。同样一份100万美元保额的保险,在35岁的时候买要比在50岁的时候买便宜得多。One life insurance benefit that drives sales in the U.S. is the strategy of using the tax-free proceeds from the policy to pay estate taxes. China currently doesn#39;t have an estate tax, but the country is mulling one, so it isn#39;t a bad idea to plan early. While jumbo insurance policies won#39;t offer exciting returns, richer Chinese have unique reasons to like them now.在美国,人寿保险卖得好的一个原因是财产继承人可以用免税的保险金来付遗产税。中国目前没有遗产税,但正在酝酿这个新税种,所以早点计划起来并非坏事。高额人寿保险不会带来让人惊喜的收入,但有钱的中国人有理由现在就开始喜欢它们。 /201305/242251。

Getting girls to groove on scienceAt Fortune's Most Powerful Women Summit last week I facilitated a conversation called "Making Science Cool." Specifically, we gathered to talk about making science cool for girls and young women as they contemplate areas of study and potential careers. The discussion was led by Marissa Mayer, vice president search products and user experience for Google (GOOG), and Maria Siemionow, director, plastic surgery research at Cleveland Clinic. (Dr. Siemionow is perhaps best known for leading the surgical team that performed the first face transplant.) For an hour more than a dozen women, including some pretty impressive scientists and engineers, shared their thoughts on how to make the sciences more appealing to girls. It turns out girls, young ones at least, rather like science. Sally Ride, the first American woman to fly in space, weighed in with some interesting statistics. Ride noted that in fourth grade 68% of boys and 66% of girls report that they "like" science. (Many of the stats used by Ride, and citations, can also be found in this handbook, produced by Ride's company, Sally Ride Science.) Yet by eighth grade, twice as many boys as girls show an interest in science careers. The reason, Ride and the other participants agreed, has nothing to do with aptitude — and everything to do with society's attitudes. Girls get the subtle message that science is for boys, and that certain careers are more appropriate for girls. Where are the role models in popular culture? More than one woman suggested the lack of role models in media and entertainment didn't help. Where, one asked, were the women scientists on television and in movies? If Disney's Hannah Montana had a secret life as a physicist — or if Zac Efron's character in the "High School Musical" movies had a crush on a girl in a lab coat — quipped another speaker, girls' interest in the sciences would go through the roof. What's the big deal if science doesn't appeal to girls? It means fewer adult women in science fields, of course. (I'm not a scientist, but I understand cause and effect.) According to Ride's handbook, women make up 49% of the college-degreed workforce, but only 25% of the science and engineering workforce. Google's Mayer said that as she prepared for the science discussion, she started taking notice of the number of work meetings she attended at which she was the only woman in the room. The answer? A lot. The roundtable participants moved into solutions mode, offering examples of educational programs and mentorships aimed at helping girls and underprivileged kids get exposure to sciences and scientists. Ride's company offers science camps just for tween girls. Exxon Mobil (XOM) hosts an annual Girls in Engineering Festival in Houston at which girls meet women scientists and participate in team- and skill-building exercises. Some of the freshest ideas were more grassroots. Laurie Yoler, managing director of GrowthPoint Technology Partners, says she hired a scientist from a local science museum to teach a class and do experiments with her kids and their friends. Every weekend her garage becomes a lab, with 8 to 12 kids participating, she says. ("The kids in my garage ended up designing, testing and then building a huge trebuchet and launching watermelons in a nearby park," Yoler tells me in a recent correspondence. How's that for cool?) After the roundtable discussion, Yoler confided to me that her son much prefers to hang out with the girls who come to the labs than, say, those who aren't as serious about science. Sounds like a potential plot for the next installment of "High School Musical." /200909/85394。

You don#39;t only eat corn when you eat corn. It is an important input for milk, meat, packaged foods, soda, even gasoline. And a drought has severely compromised this year#39;s US crop, threatening to send prices to new highs. Corn prices have surged from a bushel in June to more than now. 你不仅仅是在吃玉米时消耗玉米。玉米是生产牛奶、肉类、包装食品、苏打、甚至汽油的重要原料。一场干旱已严重损害美国今年的收成,威胁把价格推向新高。玉米价格现在已从6月份的每蒲式耳(bushel)6美元飙升到逾8美元。 That is a big deal for a many companies. Most hedge exposure. Ethanol companies (which absorb 40 per cent of the total crop) can buy corn futures and sell them on ethanol or gasoline or contract for corn and ethanol in advance, locking in a certain amount of profit. They can also idle plants, as Valerohas. Meat producers (another third or more of the harvest) can lock in feed prices too. Chicken producer Sanderson Farmstypically buys feed only a few months in advance, in case prices go against it But as there is no futures market in chicken, it is harder to guarantee a margin. 这对很多公司来说是件大事。多数企业都进行了对冲操作。乙醇公司(吸收总收成的40%)可以购买玉米期货,销售乙醇或汽油期货,或事先购买玉米和乙醇合同,以此锁定一部分利润。他们也可以闲置厂房,像瓦莱罗公司(Valero)所做的那样。肉类生产商(另外逾三分之一的玉米消耗)也可以锁定该饲料价格。鸡肉生产商桑德森农场(Sanderson Farms)的一贯做法是,仅提前数月购买饲料,以防价格转向。但因为不存在鸡肉期货市场,所以更难保利润率。 The stakes are high. Sanderson reckons every 10 cent jump in the price of corn raises the cost of producing a pound of chicken by about a third of a penny. A increase, like the one that just took place, adds about 7 cents to the cost per pound. Doesn#39;t sound like much? Well, Sanderson#39;s gross profit per pound in the second quarter, which ended in April, was about 8 cents (a 10 per cent margin). If corn prices stay high after the hedges roll off, and consumers resist increases, it will hurt. Sanderson#39;s shares fell by a fourth in the past three months. Fellow protein makers Smithfield, Tysonand JBS are beaten up also. 赌注很高。桑德森估计玉米价格每跃升10美分,生产一磅鸡肉的成本就要增加三分之一美分。而如果上涨2美元,正如刚刚发生的那样,将为每磅鸡肉成本增加约7美分。听起来还不算多?嗯,桑德森在截至4月的第二季度每磅鸡肉毛利润为大约8美分(利润率为10%)。如果玉米价格在对冲产品到期后仍维持高位,而消费者又拒绝涨价,公司利益就会受损。桑德森的股价在过去三个月下跌了四分之一。其他肉类生产商,如史密斯菲尔德(Smithfield)、泰森(Tyson)和洁百士(JBS)公司也都遭到打击。 Droughts end. People like meat. Are protein stocks starting to look tasty? Whatever the hedge, these companies will eventually have to pass on higher corn prices by reducing overall supply and charging more as the drought is so bad. The question is whether short-term price spikes will affect consumers#39; appetite for meat long after the rains. 旱灾总会结束。人们都爱吃肉。肉类企业的股票开始变得;可口;了吗?不管怎么对冲风险,这些公司最终都将通过削减整体供应量和提价来转嫁更高的玉米价格,因为这场旱灾太糟糕了。问题是,短期价格的飙升,是否会影响到消费者在降雨恢复后很长一段时期内对肉类的食欲。 /201208/194912。

It’s the time of the year for list making! This Youku clip named the nine hottest lines on China’s web this year. The Yangtze Evening Post, an influential newspaper, is the original list compiler. 又到了一年盘点的时候了,扬子晚报上传了一段名叫今年中国网络九条最热流行语的视频,盘点了如下几条流行语。 According to the list, ge (哥, older brother, big brother) is without doubt the hottest net word of the year. Both of the top two cited lines use the word. In Chinese, ge here is used more like the first person pronoun (like the English, “Can a brother get a break?”) 根据这个盘点,“哥”无疑是今年网上最流行的词。最热的两条流行语都提到了“哥”。在汉语里,这个“哥”被用来指代自己。 1. What big brother is eating isn’t noodles, but loneliness. 1.哥吃的不是面,是寂寞。 It’s ironic that in a country as populous as China, a meme about loneliness would be so popular. This seemingly irrational line has been repeated in every possible permutation, on every possible occasion, e.g. “What big brother is ing not a book, but loneliness.” 像中国人口这么多的国家,关于寂寞的病毒式模仿会这么流行实在是件很讽刺的事情。这句看上去很无厘头的话被用在了所有可能搭配的排列中,用在了所有场合,比如,“哥看的不是书,是寂寞。” /201001/93691。