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成都妇幼保健医院鼻炎治疗的价格重庆市治疗外耳道炎哪家好Beijing will build a 3.5 ring road between the existing 3rd and 4th rings in five years to ease traffic pressure, according to a recent report on transportation development in Beijing issued by the Municipal Commission of Transport.北京市交通运输委员会发布的最新项目规划报告,北京将在未来五年内,在三环和四环之间建设打通3.5环来缓解交通压力。As early as 2011, Chaoyang District mentioned the possibility of building Miyun highway, the second phase of Guangqu road, Chajia East Road and the elevated road to link to the new International Exhibition during the 12th five-year period, with the aim of building an additional ring between the 3rd and 4th rings in Beijing.早在2011年,朝阳区就曾介绍,“十二五”期间将建设京密高速公路、广渠路二期、茶家东路、新国展联络线等多条道路,目标是在三、四环之间再建立一条的环状主干路。During 13th Five-Year period, the 3.5 ring of Beijing is projected to become a reality. According to the Beijing Municipal Commission of Transport, before building the 3.5 ring road, it is first necessary to complete an expressway network in Beijing. Beijing will build 28 kilometers of new expressway in five years. New roads will be also built around key areas such as the administrative sub-center and the new airport.在“十三五”期间,北京的3.5环项目将成为现实。据北京市交通运输委员会介绍,在建成3.5环之前,首先需要在北京打通快速路网。北京市将会在五年内新增约28公里长的高速路,而其主要是围绕撑北京行政副中心、新机场及重点功能区等进行建设。At the same time, Beijing will continue to build numerous subway lines including Line 17, the first phase of Line 19, Line 3, Line 12, Pinggu Line and the APM light rail to serve the CBD area.同时,北京市将新建多条地铁线路。其中包括17号线、19号线一期、平谷线3条轨道。此外,APM轻轨的建设也将会为CBD区域务。 /201603/429104重庆医科大学附属第一医院耳朵疾病看怎么样好不好 Beijing again vowed that it would strongly rein in its population growth and set a ceiling of 23 million as the capital grapples with a shortage of water resources and a looming limit in carrying capacity.因为首都水资源短缺,承载能力又已接近极限,北京政府近日再发将严格控制人口增长的声明,并设置了2300万人的上限。The target was part of the city#39;s next five-year development proposals approved by a plenary session of the Beijing municipal party committee on Wednesday. For the first time ever, ;strict control of population growth; was incorporated into the resolutions of such a meeting.本周三,北京市委全体会议通过了包含该目标的下一个五年发展计划。这也是有史以来第一次将“严格控制人口增长”纳入了会议决议。Guo Jinlong, Beijing#39;s Party chief, said that an oversized population remains the most prominent problem, and that excessively rapid growth is an important cause of the city#39;s ;urban ills.; He said the targeted population of 23 million was calculated based on the capability of the city#39;s water resources to support its residents.北京市委书记郭金龙表示,过多的人口仍然是最突出的问题,而人口的过快增长则是导致“城市病”的重要原因。他说2300万人口的目标是基于提供给居民的城市水资源的能力而制定的。The Beijing Municipal Committee also announced Wednesday that the capital plans to move most of its municipal departments to the suburban district of Tongzhou in 2017. Tongzhou was designated as the site of a new administrative center for the municipal government to help relieve the current heavy pressure on public services in downtown Beijing, where the central government is located.北京市委员会周三还宣布,计划2017年将其大部分的市政部门搬到郊区通州。将通州定为新的市政府行政中心,可以帮助缓解当前北京市区,也是中央政府所在地公共务方面的巨大压力。The relocation is also part of the integration plan for the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei cluster, which aims to ease congestion in the capital and achieve more balanced development in the region.重新安置也是京津冀城市群一体化计划的一部分,旨在缓解首都交通拥堵,并实现更加平衡的发展。In 2005, the State Council, or China#39;s cabinet, set the goal of having a total of 18 million people for Beijing in 2020. But the city#39;s population has aly surged to 21.54 million.2005年,中国政府及国务院设定的目标是2020年北京人口达到1800万。但是北京的人口数量现如今已经飙升至2154万人。 /201511/412644The marketing of “Theland” milk powder says it all — cows graze on emerald grass below white clouds shaped like New Zealand. “A Cow per Acre” s the slogan on the package. 纽仕兰(Theland)奶粉的宣传图片说明了一切——在与新西兰国土形状类似的白云下,奶牛在碧绿的草地上吃草。包装上的标语写道,“6亩地一头牛”。 For anxious mothers in China’s crowded cities, Theland’s promise of space and quality in faraway places comes through loud and clear. They are not the only ones beguiled. Chinese businessmen, tired of thin margins at home, are lured by the promise of big tracts of land overseas. 对于在中国拥挤不堪的城市中生活的内心焦虑的妈妈们来说,纽仕兰对于远方的低密度空间和高品质的承诺掷地有声。被吸引的不止妈妈们。海外大片的土地也吸引了那些厌倦了国内微薄利润的中国商人。 Pengxin, a little-known Shanghai real estate developer that owns Theland, will become the world’s largest private landowner if Australia’s authorities clear its most ambitious bid yet: to gain control of the grazing lands of the S Kidman amp; Co cattle empire. That, plus holdings in New Zealand, make Pengxin the boldest of Chinese corporations investing in land, and has helped trigger a backlash. 鹏欣是一家鲜为人知的上海房地产开放商,也是纽仕兰的母公司。如果澳大利亚政府批准了该公司最具野心的竞购项目——收购畜牧业帝国基德曼公司(S Kidman amp; Co)的牧场,鹏欣将成为世界上最大的私有土地所有者。鹏欣这一举动,再加上其在新西兰拥有的土地,使得鹏欣成为中国企业中投资土地最大胆的一家,也在一定程度上引发了一场反弹。 “China has seen fast development; lots of people have made money and now they don’t know where to put it,” says agriculture expert Li Guoxiang of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, explaining why Chinese invest in land overseas. “It’s part of the desire to move capital overseas and diversify choices … But we worry about tensions.” “中国经历了高速发展;很多人赚了钱,现在不知道该把钱投在哪里,”中国社会科学院(CASS)的农业问题专家李国祥在解释中国人海外置地的原因时称,“人们希望把资金转移到海外并拥有多样化的投资选择……但是我们担心会引发紧张关系。” The Financial Times, in a series of reports, is examining governments and private investors’ increasing interest in grand-scale land deals. With the commodity supercycle ending, land — the ultimate resource — could either become the next big thing or the source of cross-border disputes. 英国《金融时报》在一系列报道中审视了各国政府和私人投资者对大规模置地日益浓厚的兴趣。在大宗商品超级周期结束之际,作为终极资源的土地可能会成为下一个热点或是引发跨境纠纷的根源。 Pengxin stands out among Chinese companies investing in land overseas because of the size of its purchases and the scrutiny it has encountered. It is a midsized real estate and chemicals company based in Shanghai. In addition to its agricultural investments, it also owns mines overseas. 鹏欣在众多海外置地的中国企业中之所以显眼,原因在于其购买土地的规模和其面临的严格审查。鹏欣总部位于上海,是一家中等规模的房地产和化工企业。除了在农业方面的投资以外,鹏欣还在海外拥有矿区。 The group is the lead bidder for 77,000 sq km of Kidman grazing lands that make up the largest private property on earth. In November, Australia blocked the A0m (7m) sale on security grounds. Pengxin rebid after excluding lands near an international weapons testing ground; but last month the sellers reopened bidding to add a domestic competitor. 鹏欣是对基德曼公司7.7万平方公里牧场的领先竞标者。该牧场是世界上面积最大的私有土地。去年11月,澳大利亚政府以国家安全为由阻止了这笔总值3.5亿澳元(合2.57亿美元)的交易。在交易去除了国际武器试验场附近的土地后,鹏欣再次竞标;但是上个月卖方重新招标,引入了一个澳大利亚本土竞争者。 Pengxin’s bid for Kidman draws on its experience as China’s largest land investor in New Zealand. But its expansion there has reached a limit only months after it announced plans to double its Kiwi assets to NZbn (0m) or 50 farms. 鹏欣竞标基德曼公司借助了其作为在新西兰置地规模最大的中国企业的经验。但是,在宣布将新西兰资产规模扩大一倍至10亿新西兰元(合6.7亿美元)、即50家牧场的计划数月后,鹏欣在新西兰的扩张就触到了极限。 “We anticipated that investing in New Zealand farmland would not be easy but, in reality, it has been more challenging than we thought,” Terry Lee, president of overseas investment for Pengxin, wrote in response to written questions from the FT. “我们预见到投资新西兰的牧场可能不容易,但是,事实上情况比我们预想的更艰难,”鹏欣海外投资首席代表李泰瑞(Terry Lee)在回应英国《金融时报》书面提出的问题时写道。 In September, New Zealand vetoed Pengxin’s purchase of a 138 sq km sheep farm, Lochinver Station. A Pengxin subsidiary promptly pulled out of a NZm deal to buy 10 other farms. 去年9月,新西兰否决了鹏欣购买洛岑农场(Lochinver Station)的申请。洛岑农场是一家牧羊场,占地138平方公里。鹏欣的一家子公司迅速退出了另外一笔总值4300万新西兰元、收购另外10家农场的交易。 The veto came as New Zealand imposed taxes on investment properties and stiffer requirements on foreign buyers. Popular resentment had risen after property documents, leaked to New Zealand media, showed buyers with Chinese surnames accounted for half the purchases of Auckland homes worth more than NZm. 鹏欣的收购申请被否决,正值新西兰对投资性房产征税以及对外国买家实施限制之际。新西兰媒体获知的房产文件显示,拥有中国姓氏的买家占到奥克兰购房交易的一半,涉及房产总值逾100万新西兰元。随后民怨沸腾。 Similarly in Australia, Canberra is reviewing foreign investment rules and has cut the threshold for approval of foreign acquisitions of rural land from A2m to Am. A new registry of foreign-owned agricultural land goes public this year. 在澳大利亚也出现了类似的情况。堪培拉方面正在审查外商投资规则,并且已将对外资收购农业用地实施审查的起点金额从2.52亿澳元下调至1500万澳元。新的外资所有农业用地登记数据将于今年公布。 As China’s urban sprawl consumes and pollutes its farmland, Beijing has given tacit blessing to agricultural investment overseas. Still, actual deals are few and far between. 由于中国的城市扩张侵占和污染农业用地,北京方面默许了在海外进行农业投资的举动。不过,实际交易少之又少。 They range from vineyards in France, Chile or Argentina to state farm investments in large Ukrainian tracts and agricultural pilot projects in Africa. Private Chinese entrepreneurs approach overseas Chinese communities in Southeast Asia to invest in oil palm plantations and vegetable farms. 中国在海外的农业投资多种多样,从在法国、智利和阿根廷投资的葡萄园,到中国国有农场在乌克兰投资的大片土地、以及非洲的农业合作试点项目。中国私人企业家还与东南亚的海外华人社区接洽,以投资油棕榈种植园和蔬菜农场。 Australia and New Zealand are top destinations because foreigners can own land outright, but resentment over Chinese investors buying residential property has curdled the political environment. 澳大利亚和新西兰是首选目的地,因为外国人在那里可以直接拥有土地,但是当地民众对购买住宅的中国投资者的怨愤已经使政治环境变得不利。 Buying farmland “down under” makes sense for Chinese investors as slowing growth eliminates business returns at home. Tracts are large, costs are low and title is relatively uncomplicated. Chinese consumers pay a premium for imported food, especially infant formula. 在中国经济增长放缓使得企业国内业务的回报率下滑之际,中国投资者购买澳新地区的农地是明智的。那里有大片的土地、成本低廉、所有权制度也相对简单。中国消费者愿意高价购买进口食品,特别是进口婴儿配方奶粉。 Pengxin’s purchase of New Zealand’s struggling Crafar Farms in 2012 at first raised hackles. But the company engaged with native Maori groups and hired veteran dairymen from both countries. Founder Jiang Zhaobai, an architectural engineer turned entrepreneur, energetically flew well-heeled Chinese tourists around New Zealand. “They’ve earned their spurs. They’ve been dragged through the mud and come out again,” says one observer who closely tracks foreign investment in New Zealand. 鹏欣2012年对新西兰经营困难的克拉法农场(Crafar Farms)的收购最初激起了民愤。但是,该公司与土著毛利人团体展开了对话,并聘请了来自两个国家的经验丰富的挤奶工。鹏欣的创始人姜照柏(曾从事建筑工程工作)满怀热情地用飞机载着富有的中国游客在新西兰四处游览。“他们取得了声望。他们遭到了诋毁,又洗清了自己,”一位密切关注外商在新西兰的投资的观察人士称。 Guided by Mr Lee, a private equity investor who moved to New Zealand in 2003, Pengxin is building its own integrated dairy business. That is a direct challenge to Fonterra, the world’s largest dairy exporter which processes and markets milk on behalf of thousands of Kiwi farmers. 李泰瑞是一名私募股本投资者,于2003年搬往新西兰。在他的指导下,鹏欣正在打造自己的综合奶制品业务。这对全球最大的奶制品出口商恒天然(Fonterra)构成了直接挑战。后者代表成千上万的新西兰奶农加工和销售牛奶。 “Our aim is to satisfy demand from the Chinese middle class for high quality dairy products while exploring a complete supply chain model for New Zealand dairy products,” Mr Lee wrote. “我们的目标是满足中国中产阶级对高品质奶制品的需求,同时为新西兰的奶制品探索一种完整供应链的模式,”李泰瑞写道。 Pengxin had no background in agriculture in China before 2013 when it took over Dakang, a struggling pig breeder listed on the Shenzhen exchange, and began expanding its livestock business. It purchased a soya bean property in Bolivia in 2005 at the height of Chinese soya bean speculation. 2013年,鹏欣接手当时经营困难的大康牧业(在深交所上市的生猪养殖企业),并开始拓展畜牧业业务。在那之前,鹏欣在中国国内没有任何农业方面的背景。2005年,在中国大豆投机最火热的时候,鹏欣在玻利维亚买下了一块大豆种植田。 “The property sector is not performing well and many companies want to change their focus,” said private equity analyst Ruan Yifei. “Farming and animal husbandry is blooming and very promising in China. Their reasons for investing are right.” “房地产行业表现欠佳,很多企业希望改变经营重心,”私募股本分析师阮一飞称,“在中国,农业和畜牧业正在蓬勃发展、前景非常光明。他们的投资理由没错。” Pengxin’s blueprint for integrated dairy and mining businesses makes sense. But its internal structure is difficult to grasp and has contributed to distrust in its target markets. 鹏欣对于综合奶业和采矿业的发展蓝图是有道理的。但是,市场很难理解其内部结构,这种结构在一定程度上导致了目标市场对其的不信任。 Like many Chinese property entrepreneurs, Mr Jiang’s businesses span a range of sectors. He started out by building factories around Shanghai, then branched into chemicals, real estate and mining before moving into agriculture and overseas land. His listed companies include Hong Kong-listed EverChina. Before Mr Jiang’s investment, that stock was flagged by regulators because its share ownership was concentrated in too-few hands, and for other problems. 就像中国很多房地产企业家一样,姜照柏旗下的业务横跨多个领域。他通过在上海周边建造工厂起家,之后将业务扩展至化工、房地产和采矿,然后又进军农业和海外置地。他旗下的上市公司包括在香港上市的润中国际(EverChina)。在姜照柏入股前,由于股份集中在过少股东手中以及其他一些问题,润中国际曾被监管机构标记。 Pengxin has raised funds through the high-interest shadow banking market by issuing trust products, a common strategy when housing prices were soaring. As markets slumped, it reshuffled overseas mining and land assets into its listed units. An article in China’s Securities Times newspaper in 2014 described the company as a “hurtling capital train” that must continue growing to move forward. 鹏欣通过发行信托产品从高息的影子市场筹集了资金,这是房地产价格飙升时的常见策略。随着市场陷入低迷,鹏欣将海外采矿业务和土地资产整合进了旗下的上市公司。2014年,《券时报》在报道中把鹏欣描述为“一辆高速行驶的资本列车”,必须不断扩张才能前进。 Pengxin bought 55 per cent of Shenzhen-listed Dakang in 2013 via several wholly-owned subsidiaries registered in a Tibetan town bordering Mount Everest. Other shareholders are indirectly related, according to public records, in effect giving Pengxin greater control over Dakang. 2013年,通过多家在靠近珠穆朗玛峰的西藏小镇注册的全资子公司,鹏欣收购了深圳上市公司大康牧业55%的股份。公开资料显示,鹏欣与其他股东之间存在间接联系,这事实上使得鹏欣对大康拥有更大的控制权。 It is now trying to transfer its New Zealand assets into Dakang. That decision cost the company some of its carefully cultivated good will in New Zealand, because it began the transfer while the government was still reviewing the Lochinver Station purchase. 如今,鹏欣正尝试将新西兰的资产转入大康旗下。该决定使得该公司在新西兰精心培养的商誉部分丧失,因为它在新西兰政府还在审查洛岑农场收购案时便开始了资产转移。 The company posted the properties on the internet auction site Trade Me to comply with a legal requirement to offer them to New Zealand citizens, raising some concerns that it had tried to shortcut the process. 为了遵守新西兰关于地产出售时要让新西兰公民有机会购买的法律规定,鹏欣此前把一些地产发布到了拍卖网站Trade Me上,这引起了关切,人们关心它是否试图钻程序的空子。 The reshuffle was driven by internal dynamics but it hurt the company in New Zealand, and led directly to the veto of the Lochinver Station purchase. Similar mismatches between its internal needs and international perception could hamper Pengxin in its mammoth bid for Australian land. 此次资产整合是由内部事态驱动,但却损害了鹏欣在新西兰的形象,并直接导致洛岑农场收购案被否决。与此类似,鹏欣的内部需求与其外部形象之间的错配,可能会有损于鹏欣在澳大利亚的这笔大规模土地竞购。 “China is a real problem for Australia and New Zealand — the perfect partner on the surface with huge markets, huge growth potential and very clear needs from these countries,” says Kerry Brown, professor of Chinese studies at King’s College, London. “对澳大利亚和新西兰来说,中国是个实实在在的问题——中国拥有巨大的市场和强劲的增长潜力,澳新两国对中国也有明显的需求,表面上看来,中国是完美的合作伙伴,”伦敦大学国王学院(Kings College London)研究中国问题的教授克里#8226;布朗(Kerry Brown)称。 “But underneath, China remains alien in terms of fundamental values and political beliefs. Unless that changes in China, it will never be an easy relationship and public ambiguity will continue.” “但是,实质上,中国在基本价值观和政治信仰上仍然不同于它们。除非中国在这方面有所改变,否则它与澳新两国的关系永远轻松不了,公众态度将继续摇摆不定。” /201603/432055四川省妇幼保健院小儿中耳炎治疗的价格

成都大学附属医院耳鼻喉电话咨询When Bill de Blasio successfully ran for mayor of New York City in 2013, he campaigned against a tale of two cities divided between rich and poor.2013年当比尔#8226;德布拉西奥(Bill de Blasio)竞选纽约市长时,他的竞选口号之一是反对贫富割裂的一座城市两种生活。德布拉西奥成功当选。And when Sadiq Khan won London’s mayoral election in May, he did so after promising a London living wage and a London living rent to combat low pay and high housing costs.今年5月萨迪克汗(Sadiq Khan)赢得伦敦市长选举,在那之前,他承诺要制定伦敦最低生活工资(London living wage)和伦敦居民房租标准(London living rent),以对抗低工资和高住房成本。Economic inequality, increasingly central to international and national economic policy discussions, is making its mark on city-level politics as well.经济不平等作为国际上和国内经济政策讨论中越来越核心的议题,也在对城市层级的政治产生影响。Studies show income inequality has risen in cities across the US and Europe. 研究显示,在整个美国和欧洲,城市的收入不平等问题都在加剧。Edward Glaeser, an economics professor at Harvard, says there was a dramatic increase in inequality in [US] cities between 1980 and 2006. 哈佛大学(Harvard)经济学教授爱德华#8226;格莱泽(Edward Glaeser)表示,1980至2006年间美国城市的不平等程度显著上升。A study, co-authored by Mr Glaeser, says: with one exception all metropolitan areas went up in inequality in this period.格莱泽与人合著的一项研究指出:这一时期所有大城市地区的不平等程度都在走高,只有一个城市例外。Similarly, a study of 13 European capital cities has found that in 10 of them, economic inequality rose in the first decade of this century. 类似的,对欧洲13个首都城市的一项研究也发现,其中有10个城市的经济不平等程度在本世纪头十年中加剧了。Maarten van Ham, a professor at the universities of Delft and St Andrew’s and one of the authors, adds that socio-economic segregation — the degree to which the rich and the poor live in different parts of the city — rose in 12 out of the 13.马尔滕#8226;范汉姆(Maarten van Ham)是荷兰代尔夫特理工大学(Delft University of Technology)和圣安德鲁斯大学(University of St Andrews)的教授,同时也是这项研究的作者之一。他补充称,在这13座城市当中,有12座城市的社会经济割裂程度(即富人和穷人分别生活于同一城市不同区域这种情况的严重程度)加深。Often when inequality increases it takes [time] to see increased segregation, says Mr van Ham. 范汉姆表示:通常当不平等加剧时,要滞后一段时间才会观察到社会分隔加剧。We think segregation by income will increase even more in the next decade.我们认为未来十年由收入导致的社会割裂将进一步深化。The harm such segregation may cause is only now being understood. 直到现在,人们才开始了解这种割裂可能导致的危害。In the US, the Stanford University economist Raj Chetty caused waves by demonstrating that intergenerational mobility varies enormously according to the neighbourhood a person grows up in.在美国,斯坦福大学(Stanford University)经济学家拉杰#8226;切迪(Raj Chetty)的研究激起了巨大反响。他的研究显示,代际流动性因个体成长的社区环境不同而存在巨大差异。Each year children spend in the most upwardly mobile neighbourhoods, Mr Chetty found, causes their adult incomes to be 0.8 per cent higher compared to the national average. 切迪发现,儿童在向上流动性最强的社区中每生活一年,他们成年后的收入水平将因此较全国平均值高出0.8%。Each year in the worst neighbourhoods lowers their adult incomes by 0.7 per cent.而在向上流动性最差的社区中每生活一年,将导致儿童成年后的收入降低0.7%。But scholars caution against thinking inequality can be primarily addressed at city level. 但学者们警告称,不应认为不平等问题可以主要在城市这一层面上得到应对。The processes that led to segregation reflect global economic changes in the structure of the labour market especially, says Mr van Ham. 导致社会割裂的种种进程反映出了全球经济状况的种种变化,尤其是劳动力市场结构中的这种变化,范汉姆表示。The number of professionals has been increasing a lot and there are also a lot of low-income families.专业人士的数量明显增多,与此同时也出现了大量的低收入家庭。In Vienna, the number of professionals doubled in a decade, Mr van Ham and his colleagues found. 范汉姆和他的同事们发现,在维也纳,专业人士的数量在十年间翻了一番。These are people with high incomes and, if you have money, you can choose a nice place to live. 这些人的收入较高,而当你有钱之后,你可以选择在一个较好地段居住。So housing got much more expensive in the most attractive parts of Vienna and the lower paid could not afford to live there any more.因此维也纳最具魅力的地段住房成本大幅攀升,收入较低群体无力负担继续在这些地段生活。Mr Glaeser points out that if national-level inequality does not improve, more egalitarian cities would simply mean reshuffling rich and poor citizens into separate cities, resulting in more segregation rather than integration.格莱泽指出,在国家层面的不平等没有改善的情况下,城市主张进一步的平等化将仅意味着将富人和穷人重新安排到不同城市,导致更进一步的社会割裂而非融合。And while more unequal US cities in the 1980s were poorer ones, he found, that relationship has changed. 格莱泽发现,二十世纪八十年代不平等严重的美国城市通常较为贫穷,但这一关系已经发生了改变。Today, a city may be more unequal than another not because it has more poverty but because it has more rich people.如今,一座城市比另一座城市更不平等的原因,可能不是因为贫困人口更多,而是因为富人更多。If you increase inequality by plopping in a bunch of tech billionaires in an area, that can’t be bad for growth, Mr Glaeser argues. 格莱泽指出:如果你将一群科技亿万富翁引入一个地区而加剧了收入不平等程度,这不会对经济增长带来不利影响。What we should be worrying about is whether cities are places of opportunity for the poor.我们应当担心的是,城市对于穷人来说是否仍是充满机遇的地方。Mr van Ham agrees. 范汉姆同意这种观点。If you see segregation as a problem, then I see as the solution investment in people, education, jobs, children — offer them opportunities. 如果你认为社会割裂是一个问题,那么在我看来解决方案是投资于人、教育、就业以及儿童——为他们提供机遇。You can’t solve inequality in one generation.你不可能在一代人的时间里化解不平等。The ability of city leaders to reduce inequality is limited. 城市领导者在降低收入不平等方面所能发挥的作用有限。Anything that smacks of crude redistribution is likely to be ineffective, says Mr Glaeser, as this will just drive the rich to the suburbs.格莱泽表示,任何带有初始收入再分配色的举措很可能都不会成功,因为这将促使富人群体迁往郊区。That does not mean leaders such as Mr Khan and Mr de Blasio can wash their hands of the problem. 但这并不意味着像萨迪克汗和比尔#8226;德布拉西奥这样的城市领导者可以对不平等问题放手不管。In Europe, Mr van Ham says: If we’re not careful, in 15 to 20 years our cities will be much more segregated than now.范汉姆指出,在欧洲地区,如果我们不小心应对,15至20年后,城市的贫富割裂程度将比现在严重得多。He worries about rushing the job of settling refugees recently arrived in Europe. 他担心政府可能会草率推进新近来到欧洲的难民的安置工作。People say let’s move them to places where there are houses available, Mr van Ham notes, while pointing out that these are places where nobody wants to live because of a lack of amenities and opportunities. 人们会说,把他们迁到有房可住的地方,范汉姆表示;他同时指出,那些地方通常没有人愿意居住,因为缺乏配套设施和发展机会。That creates problems for the future. 这会给未来埋下隐患。How will they respond in 15 to 20 years?15至20年后,他们将如何应对?While cities may try in vain to reduce inequality directly, Mr Glaeser suggests they can help us learn about policies that at the national level would make a difference. 城市为降低收入不平等而采取的直接举措或许会徒劳无功,但格莱泽指出,这些尝试可以帮助我们进一步了解相关政策,而在国家层面这些政策或许能产生效果。There are a lot of [socio-economic challenges] to which we don’t know the right answer, he says. 对于很多社会经济方面的挑战,我们并不知道正确,他表示。He cites the provision of pre-school education at a reasonable cost and the training of entrepreneurs as examples.他举出的例子是,以合理成本提供学前教育以及对创业者的培训。What cities should be are laboratories for opportunity, where we experiment with different things, Mr Glaeser says. Cities should do what they do best, which is fundamentally to produce knowledge. 城市应当成为机遇的实验室,成为我们尝试不同事物的地方,格莱泽表示,城市该去做它们最擅长的事,本质上也就是生产知识。 /201609/464688南川铜梁区看耳聋哪家好 重庆人民医院耳鼻喉专家医生

重庆儿童医院斜视眼睛治疗的价格 The southern U.S. state of Georgia executed a man early Friday morning after the U.S. Supreme Court denied a stay of execution for the convict who had been on death row for 34 years.美国南部乔治亚州星期五凌晨处死了一名犯人,这名死刑犯已经被关押了34年,美国最高法院拒绝延缓对他的处决。John Wayne Conner received a lethal injection at the state prison in Jackson, Georgia.约翰#8729;韦恩#8729;康纳尔在乔治亚州杰克逊市的州立监狱里接受了注射死刑。The 60-year-old Conner was scheduled to be put to death Thursday evening, but the appeals process was still under way.60岁的康钠尔原定星期四晚上被处死,但当时上诉程序还在进行。Conner was convicted for fatally beating his friend J.T. White during an argument after a night of drinking in 1982.康纳尔1982年晚上喝酒后跟朋友J.T.怀特发生争执,把怀特打死,因此被定罪。Conner#39;s execution is the sixth in Georgia this year, a record under the current death penalty law.康纳尔是乔治亚州今年被执行死刑的第六个人,是该州现行死刑法实施以来人数最多的一年。 /201607/454748綦江大足区治疗耳聋价格成都市第五人民医院小儿鼻窦炎要多少钱

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