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惠州治疗尖锐湿疣最专业医院度排名指定医院惠州市治疗早泄多少钱

2019年01月23日 00:49:29    日报  参与评论()人

龙门县人民男科医院看男科怎么样惠州惠城区妇幼保健人民中医院看男科怎么样Science and technology科学技术Genetically modified tree转基因树木Into the wildwood进军森林A GM species may soon be liberated deliberately一种转基因树木不久或将大量种植,但很审慎ONCE upon a time, according to folklore, a squirrel could travel through Americas chestnut forests from Maine to Florida without ever touching the ground.民间流传有这样的故事:很久很久以前,松鼠在穿过美国缅因州到福罗里达州的栗树林时,可以一直不触碰地面。The chestnut population of North America was reckoned then to have been about 4 billion trees. No longer.估计北美那时的栗树约有40亿棵。现在却不复存在了。Axes and chainsaws must take a share of the blame.必须说,斧头锯子不乏其罪,But the principal culprit is Cryphonectria parasitica, the fungus that causes chestnut blight.但栗疫病菌才是罪魁祸首,是这种真菌致栗树感染了栗疫病。In the late 19th century, some infected saplings from Asia brought C. parasitica to North America. By 1950 the chestnut was little more than a memory in most parts of the continent.19世纪后期,一批亚洲来的感染栗疫病菌的树苗把该病菌带到了北美。到了20世纪50年代,北美大陆大部分地区的栗树便全部消失,成为了回忆。American chestnuts may, however, be about to rise again—thanks to genetic engineering.但有了基因工程,美国栗树有望再次繁茂起来。This month three experimental patches will be planted, under the watchful eye of the Department of Agriculture, in Georgia, New York and Virginia.在美国农业部的密切看护下,将于本月在乔治亚州、纽约州和弗吉尼亚州分别栽种一片栗树林进行实验。Along with their normal complements of genes, these trees have been fitted with a handful of others that researchers hope will protect them from the fungus.这些栗树除携带正常的附加基因外,还添加了少数不同寻常的附加基因。研究者希望通过添加这些基因来防止栗树被真菌感染。The project has been organised by the Forest Health Initiative, a quango set up to look into the idea of using genetic engineering to rescue species of tree whose populations have been devastated by fungal diseases or insect pests.该项目的组织者是一个半官方机构—森林健康行动,该机构的创立是为了检查用基因工程来拯救被真菌病或害虫摧毁的树木种群的可行性。It has sponsored research at several universities, and this months trial is the first big field test.FHI已在几所大学发起了研究倡议,并于本月迈出大型实地试验的第一步。If it works, the FHI will ask the government for permission to plant transgenic chestnuts in the wild, with the intention of re-establishing the species in Americas woodlands.如果可行,FHI则会向政府申请在自然环境中种植基因改良栗树,以重建美国林地的栗树林。And if that goes well, it could provide a model for projects to re-establish elm trees, ash trees and a fir tree known, confusingly, as the eastern hemlock.如果这也可行,那就能为榆树、白蜡树和杉树重建项目提供示范。The search for genetic protection for the chestnut was begun in 1990 by William Powell of the State University of New York, in Syracuse, and Scott Merkle of the University of Georgia, in Athens.栗树基因保护研究始于1990年,由锡拉丘兹市纽约州立大学的威廉·鲍威尔和爱森斯市乔治亚大学的斯科特·默克尔共同进行。Dr Powell knew that many of the symptoms of chestnut blight are caused by the oxalic acid that C. parasitica generates as it grows.鲍威尔确信,栗疫病的很多症状都由栗疫病菌生长时产生的草酸引起。He also knew that wheat has an enzyme called oxalate oxidase, which detoxifies oxalic acid.他也清楚,小麦有一种草酸氧化酶,能够分解草酸。He and his team therefore transferred the gene that encodes oxalate oxidase from wheat to chestnut.于是,鲍威尔和他的团队将小麦中能够编码草酸氧化酶的基因转移到了栗树的基因中。Last summer they showed that oxalate oxidase can indeed enhance blight-resistance.去年夏天,他们明了,草酸氧化酶的确能够增强栗树的抗枯萎性。A few years ago the Forest Health Initiative asked Dr Powell and some other researchers doing related studies to look at the work of the American Chestnut Foundation, a group which had been crossbreeding Chinese and American chestnuts.几年前,FHI邀请了正在进行相关研究的鲍威尔士和另一些研究者研究美国栗树研究基金会的工作。Since C. parasitica is Asian, Asiatic trees have evolved resistance to it. The foundation hoped to make a hybrid sufficiently Chinese to be protected, but sufficiently American to pass muster as local.由于栗疫病菌发于亚洲,亚洲树种已经形成了对该真菌的抗性。With the aid of the genomes of the two species, Dr Powell and his collaborators began testing 27 Chinese chestnut genes in the American tree.借助两种栗树的基因组,鲍威尔士及其合作伙伴开始在美国生长的树上测试27种板栗基因。The 800 trees to be planted this month will contain various combinations of these genes, the original wheat gene and six further genes from other tree species.本月将栽种800棵树,这些树包含了原小麦基因以及其他树种6种基因的各种组合基因。And results should come quickly.预计结果很快就可以得出。Field tests for blight-resistance are typically done when trees are a few years old, but Dr Powells team have devised a test of the saplings leaves that they believe can tell whether a tree is resistant when it is less than a year old.抗枯萎性的实地试验一般要当树木生长几年之后才能进行,但鲍威尔士研究小组想出了一个测试树苗叶子的办法,他们认为可以在树龄不满一年的情况下测试出树的抗性。The trial itself will last three years, and the researchers running it will monitor how the modified chestnuts fit in to the local ecosystem, as well as how healthy they are.这项试验会进行三年,进行该试验的研究者将持续观察记录改良过的栗树在当地生态系统的适应程度以及它们的健康状况。If they both do fit and are fit, a decision will then have to be made about whether to release them into the wild. That will be up to the Department of Agriculture, the Environmental Protection Agency and the Food and Drug Administration.如果能够适应并且长势良好,那是否要在自然环境中大量种植就得由农业部、环境保护署和食品药品监督来决定了。Until now, the genetic modification of trees has had strictly commercial aims: speeding up the growth and extending the environmental tolerance of species intended for plantations.迄今为止,改良树木基因带有明确的商业目的:一是催长,二是为了造林增加物种对环境的容忍度。This use of genetic modification has been opposed by environmentalists, who fear that such supertrees may escape and damage wild forests.为达到该商业目的使用转基因,遭到了环保主义者的反对,他们担心这样的超级树会疯长进而危害到野生丛林。The Forest Health Initiatives goal, though, is to heal wild forests, not hurt them.但FHI的目标是为了恢复而不是危害野生丛林。If its experiments do produce a strain of chestnut that could do the job, it will be interesting to see how enthusiastically greens embrace it.如果试验成功,真能培育出抗栗疫病菌的新品种,那看看环保党在欣然接受时会表现出怎样的欢欣鼓舞,还挺有意思的。 /201311/266596惠州淋病治疗费用多少钱 惠州尿道炎尿道

惠州友好专科医院割包皮多少钱惠州友好医院治疗性功能障碍哪家医院最好 German politics德国政治The Alternatives astonishing ascent新选项党的崛起As the large centrist parties become more alike, the radical fringe gets stronger大部分中立派议员趋同,激进派边缘增强SINCE reunification in 1990, Saxony has been the former East Germanys biggest success story. As one of Germanys 16 federal states since then, it has been governed continuously by the centre-right Christian Democrats (CDU). Its education system is considered Germanys best. Its economy is thriving, with world-class regional clusters in high-tech and carmaking. So there was never any question that Stanislaw Tillich, the states understated and popular CDU premier, would stay in power after Saxonys election on August 31st. His party won more votes than the three leftist parties combined. With 39.4% of votes, Mr Tillich claimed victory.自从1990年德国重新统一以后,萨克森州已经变成了前东德地区最成功的故事。自那时开始,作为联邦十六州之一的萨克森一直处在中右派的基督民主党统治之下。它的教育制度被认为是德国最好的,高科技与汽车制造业的地域集聚也使得它的经济情况日趋繁荣。毋庸置疑,低调行事且广受赞誉的基民党州长斯塔尼斯拉夫·提里希将在8月31日的大选后继续执政。基民党获得了超过三个左翼政党联盟的持率,34.9%的得票率宣告了提里希的胜利。And yet that result was the CDUs worst ever in Saxony, causing worries as the party approaches elections on September 14th in Thuringia and Brandenburg, also in former East Germany. The left-leaning Social Democrats (SPD) and ecology-minded Greens have reason to fret, too. They all did worse than they had hoped, largely because they lost votes to a populist party to the right of the CDU: the Alternative for Germany, led by Frauke Petry.但这是基民党在萨克森选举历史上最糟糕的结果,导致了他们对同样归属前东德地区的图林根州与勃兰登堡在9月14日政党换届大选的担忧。而左翼党派德国社会民主党与生态主义绿党也有同样的烦恼。他们比预期中做的更糟,很大程度上因为他们票选输给了一个比基民党作风更为保守的民粹新政党—由弗劳克·佩特里领导的新选项党。Founded last year, the Alternative began with only one policy: a call for the orderly unravelling of the euro as a currency zone. To this it has since added other conservative positions, such as opposition to public deficits and gay marriage. In some ways it resembles Americas Tea Party. In Saxony, where it is strongest, it has increasingly emphasised tougher controls on immigration and border crime, often with xenophobic innuendo.去年开始,新选项党遵循的唯一政策:呼吁有序解散欧元经济区。为此,党内开始增加其他保守立场,例如反对财政赤字与同性婚姻。在某种程度上它类似美国的茶党。在新选项党势力最强的萨克森州,它加强了对外来移民与边境犯罪的严格管控,并经常伴有排外情绪。Though still chaotic in its party organisation and evolving in its views—for example, the party is squabbling over whether to criticise Vladimir Putin or coddle him—the Alternative has been rising stunningly fast. It came close to entering the federal parliament last September and succeeded in entering the European one in May. With 9.7% of the vote in Saxony, it now enters its first state parliament. It hopes to do so in Thuringia and Brandenburg, too.即使政党内部观点开展的混乱不堪——比如为了要批评还是要优待普京而争吵——新选项党的依然在迅速成长。在去年九月它尝试进入联邦议院,并在五月份成功进入欧盟接替了一个席位。凭借在萨克森州9.7%的持率,它首次进入州议院并希望在图林根州与勃兰登堡市也能取得同样的结果。The new partys success is causing upheaval in the German political landscape, accelerating the implosion of its only liberal party, the Free Democrats (FDP). With just 3.8% of votes in Saxony, the FDP failed to clear the 5% threshold to enter parliament and was ejected, as it has been from seven other state parliaments since 2011 and the Bundestag last year. For the first time since 1946, the FDP does not participate in any state or federal government. This eliminates the liberals as the CDUs coalition partner, perhaps permanently.新政党的成功引起了德国政坛格局的转变,也加速了德国唯一一个自由党派—自由民主党的分裂。自2011年起它已经相继被其他7个州议院与去年的联邦议会大选“除名”,而今年萨克森选举中,3.8%的得票率让自民党又一次在议院5%持率的门槛前止步。这也是自1946年以来自民党首次未能进入任何州立或联邦政府,这种情况对于基民党的盟友—自民党的消除也许是永久性的。A more positive side-effect of the Alternatives ascent is its cannibalisation of the NPD, a neo-Nazi party.About 13,000 of its voters migrated to the Alternative, causing the NPD to fall 809 votes short of re-entering the Saxon parliament. After that loss, it has seats in only one other state and could fade away, with or without a ban.新选项党的成长带来的积极作用是与民粹政党—德国国家民主党的同类相残。约有1.3万名该党的持者转向了新选项党,缺少809个持票也直接导致了民主党无法重回议会。失败以后,无论同类相残是否被禁止,它在另一个州保留的仅有席位也可能消失。The CDU so far refuses to contemplate a coalition with the Alternative. Led nationally by the chancellor, Angela Merkel, the CDU is pro-European and pro-euro, and so moderate as to be increasingly indistinguishable to many voters from the SPD, with which it governs in a “grand coalition” in the Bundestag. On September 1st Mrs Merkel, Mr Tillich and the CDU leaders in Thuringia and Brandenburg said again that discussions with the Alternative are taboo. Mr Tillich will try to form a coalition with the SPD or the Greens.基民党至今拒绝考虑与新选项党联盟。在德国总理默克尔领导下的基民党是亲欧盟亲欧元的,如此温和的作风让人们越来越难以区分基民党与社民党,同时基民党还在西德联邦议会中掌管着大联盟。9月1日,默克尔、提里希和基民党其他领导人在图林根州与勃兰登堡市再一次表示,与新选项党讨论是被禁止的。提里希将会尝试与社民党或绿党建立联盟。Ignoring the Alternative will not remove it as a problem for the CDU. In effect, the Alternative has in one year become on the far right what The Left is on the left. Descended from East Germanys Communist Party and unreconciled to Germanys capitalist system and its Western alliances, The Left remains strong in the eastern states. In Saxony it came in second with 18.9% of the vote. The comparatively moderate SPD has so far ruled out The Left as a partner in the Bundestag. But their competition splits the left vote and often leads to unproductive ideological bidding wars.基民党的联盟问题不会因为忽视新选项党而解决。事实上,新选项党已经在一年以内成为了极右派,如同左派党是左翼倾向。起源于东德共产党的新选项党,虽然没有与德国资本主义系统以及西部联盟达成一致,但在东部各州实力依然强大。它在萨克森州公投中以18.9%的持率位居第二。相对温和的社民党已经排除了基民党在西联邦议院的左党伙伴。但是他们的竞争使得左派选票分裂,并且经常带来无意义的竞投战。The Alternative will increasingly play the same role on the right vis-a-vis the CDU. On September 1st, Mrs Merkel suggested that, short of negotiating with the Alternative, the CDU must begin dealing with the concerns, rational or not, of its supporters. These range from fears about crime in the regions along the borders with the Czech Republic and Poland, to hysteria about “welfare tourism” by foreigners. The Alternative will be at its shrillest and strongest every time the euro crisis returns to the headlines. This will restrict Mrs Merkels leeway to agree to new rescue packages, or even to ease her austerity drive.新选项党将逐渐与基民党扮演同样重要的角色。九月一日,默克尔建议,由于缺少与新选项党磋商,基民党必须开始解决来自它的持者们关心的问题,无论问题合理与否。持者们关心的范围从对捷克和波兰接壤的边境地区犯罪的担忧,到对外国人“公益旅行”的歇斯底里。新选项党在欧元危机重回一线的每时每刻都表现出尖利强硬的一面。这将限制默克尔的回旋余地,被迫同意新计划,甚至缓和她的紧缩计划 /201409/327426惠州市人民医院包皮手术多少钱

河源东源县妇幼保健人民男科中医院男性专科Todays program is about an effect that not only have we all witnessed, but have participated in. Havent we all been on an elevator and noticed that just about everyone stops talking when they get on? Why do we do that? You can be having a perfectly pleasant conversation with someone, and as soon as you get on an elevator, you just feel like youd better shut up. Then, as soon as the doors open, everyone resumes conversation.今天的节目是关于一个我们不仅曾经目睹过,而且亲身体验过的现象。当我们都在电梯上的时候,你有没有注意过电梯上升时所有人都停止了说话?为什么我们会这么做?你或许正在和某人进行非常愉快的交谈,而当你走上电梯的时候,你立刻感觉到你最好闭上嘴。随后,当电梯门打开的时候,大家又恢复了交谈。Primatologists, or people who study primate behavior, have a term for this. Its called the “elevator effect,” though it doesnt occur only on elevators. It happens whenever a group of primates, like humans, is brought into a situation where escape is temporarily impossible.研究灵长类行为的灵长类动物学家有一个术语来描述这个现象。它被称之为“电梯效应”,尽管它不仅仅发生在电梯上。它常常发生在一群灵长类动物身上,比如人类,当他们被带入一个暂时不可能逃脱的位置时。Its thought to be a kind of safety mechanism: as long as nobody talks, nobody is going to risk getting in a fight when theres no way to sp out. The elevator effect keeps a lid on potential problems before they start.这被认为是一种安全机制:只要没有人说话,就不会有人在无处可逃时试图冒险卷入一场战斗。电梯效应使得潜在的问题在爆发之前得到抑制。Even though they rarely if ever ride elevators, chimpanzees demonstrate the elevator effect as well. When chimps are temporarily crowded together into small areas, they will minimize their vocalizations–that is, nobody speaks–and avoid eye contact. The amount of scratching the chimps do, however, goes up.尽管黑猩猩几乎从来不乘坐电梯,它们也同样验了电梯效应。当黑猩猩们暂时拥挤在一个很小的空间时,它们会使它们的声音最小化--也就是说,没人说话--并且避免眼神的接触。然而,黑猩猩抓挠的次数却增多。Since scratching is a sign of stress in chimps, we can imagine what they are feeling: something like what we feel in a crowded elevator, with everybody carefully staring at the lighted numbers and no one saying a thing. I havent noticed if we scratch more.因为抓挠是黑猩猩感受到压力的标志,我们可以想象它们的感受:就像我们在拥挤的电梯中的感受一样,每个人都小心的盯着亮灯的数字,没有人说话。我从未注意过我们是否也挠来挠去的。 /201305/240660 Energy subsidies能源补贴Scrap them废除There are moves around the world to get rid of energy subsidies. Heres the best way of going about it世界上有各种废除能源补贴的措施,下文是最佳方案。FOR decades, governments from Egypt to Indonesia have subsidised the price of basic fuels. Such programmes often start with noble intentions—to keep down the cost of living for the poor or, in the case of oil-producing countries, to provide a visible example of the benefits of carbon wealth—but they have disastrous consequences, wrecking budgets, distorting economies, harming the environment and, on balance, hurting rather than helping the poor.几十年来,从埃及到印尼,政府都对基本燃料给予价格补贴。这些补贴常常打着高尚的旗号:降低穷人的生活成本,在石油生产国家树立碳财富收益的榜样。这往往会产生破坏性的后果,打乱预算,扭曲经济,破坏环境。总体来说,它们对穷人的伤害比帮助大。Emerging markets are not the only places that distort energy markets. America, for instance, suppresses prices by restricting exports. But subsidies are more significant in poorer countries. Of the 0 billion a year the IMF reckons they cost—the equivalent of four times all official foreign aid—half is spent by governments in the Middle East and north Africa, where, on average, it is worth about 20% of government revenues. The proceeds flow overwhelmingly to the car-driving urban elite. In the typical emerging economy the richest fifth of households hoover up 40% of the benefits of fuel subsidies; the poorest fifth get only 7%. But the poorest suffer disproportionately from the distortions that such intervention creates. Egypt spends seven times more on fuel subsidies than on health. Cheap fuel encourages the development of heavy industry rather than the job-rich light manufacturing that offers far more people a route out of poverty.不只有新兴市场的能源市场受到扭曲。在美国,政府限制能源出口来抑制价格上涨。但补贴对较贫穷的国家影响更大。在国际货币基金组织声称的对这些国家年5000亿美元的出中,有一半都是被中东和北美的国家政府消费掉的。这一出相当于所有官方外援的四倍。在这些政府,补贴占收入的20%。补贴大量流入城区内的有车精英一族。在典型的新兴经济体内,40%的燃料补贴流向了最富有的家庭而最贫穷的家庭只拿到7%。最贫穷的家庭承受着政府补贴带来的不公。埃及花在能源补贴上的资金是花在医疗保健上的7倍有余。廉价燃料可以促进重工业的发展,而非轻工业。后者能为更多人创造就业机会,提供脱贫机会。For all these reasons the benefits of scrapping subsidies are immense. Emerging economies could easily compensate every poor person with a handout that was bigger than the benefits they got from cheap fuel and still save money. In the process, they would help the planet. According to the International Energy Agency, eliminating fossil-fuel subsidies would reduce global carbon emissions by 6% by 2020.基于上述理由,废除补贴带来的好处是巨大的。新兴经济体很容易就能补偿每个穷人,其收益远大于廉价燃料,同时还能有余钱储蓄。在此过程中,它们还保护了地球。根据国际能源署,通过减少化石燃料补贴,到2020年,碳排放能降低6%。How to save 0 billion and the planet怎么省下5000亿美元又能拯救地球?Some emerging-market governments are persuaded by these arguments, and are getting serious about reform (see article). Indonesia raised petrol prices by more than 40% last year, and the front-runner in the upcoming presidential election says he will consider a more comprehensive fuel-subsidy revamp. Iran has just begun the second phase of a big subsidy overhaul, raising the price of petrol, gas and electricity. Egypts new president is being pushed towards tackling energy subsidies by a gaping budget deficit. Morocco and Jordan have cut subsidies in the past couple of years. Even Kuwait announced this week that it plans to scrap diesel subsidies.一些新兴市场的政府被这些辩论说,于是开始严肃对待改革(另见文)。印尼汽油去年提价超过了40%,在接下来的总统大选中,选票领跑者表示他将考虑一个更加复杂的燃油补贴改进。伊朗刚刚开始了第二轮的补贴改进并提高了石油、汽油和电力价格。埃及新总统不得不面临日益扩大的预算赤字引起的能源补贴问题。洛哥和约旦在过去几年都削减了补贴。甚至科威特也在这周宣布计划停止柴油机补贴。Yet the politics of reform are exceedingly difficult. Politicians are loth to antagonise the urban elite; insiders benefit (often corruptly) from cheap fuel; ordinary citizens do not believe they will be compensated. Many previous attempts to cut subsidies have been abandoned in the face of popular protests or rising global oil prices. Experience suggests that any attempt to cut subsidies needs to be accompanied by a public-education campaign to explain the costs and inequities of subsidies, to have a clear timetable for gradual price increases and to be supported by targeted transfers to counter the effect of higher fuel prices on poorer people.然而改革中的政治弈极其困难。政治家不愿对抗城市精英,内部人士常常(通过腐败)从便宜的燃料中得到好处,普通市民则不相信他们能拿到补贴。面临着日益增多的反抗声音和全球油价的上涨,很多之前削减补贴的尝试都被搁置了。经验表明,任何试图削减补贴的尝试都需要相应的配套措施:介绍成本与补贴不平等的公共教育、有关价格逐渐上涨的时间表、有指向的转移撑以平息高燃料价格对穷人造成的影响。Even with better politics and the best-laid plans, it would be a mistake to expect too much too fast. Entrenched subsidies anywhere are devilishly difficult to get rid of. If the oil price rises, so too will the pressure on emerging economies to “protect” their citizens from dearer fuel. But, for the moment, there seems to be a chance to accelerate reform. It is an opportunity not to be missed.尽管有着更好的政治氛围和最好的计划,预期太多太快都是错误的。在任何地方,根深蒂固的补贴都是很难摆脱的。如果油价上涨,那么新兴经济体“保护”市民不受更贵燃料影响的压力就会上涨。但是,目前来看,加快改革似乎是有机会的,这一机会不可错失。 /201407/309546惠州市中医医院男科专家挂号惠州什么医院的男科权威

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