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Europe Russia’s president欧洲 俄罗斯总统Alone at the top高处不胜寒All this feeds a sense of uncertainty, with the Moscow political elite “disoriented,” according to Mr Petrov. Investigative files on the two defence cases have existed for years, only to resurface now. Are the rules changing? What could be unearthed tomorrow, and against whom? At the same time, the mood of rudderless leadership has been worsened by questions over Mr Putin’s health.据彼得罗夫所言,莫斯科的政治精英们“迷失了方向”,所有这一切增加了迷茫的感觉。国防部的两个腐败案例的调查卷宗已然存在好多年了,只不过现在是重新露面而已。是规则在发生变化吗?明天会揭露出什么?会针对谁呢?与此同时,对于普京总统健康问题的疑问使人们“领导缺乏领头人”的情绪更加恶化。For much of October and November, Mr Putin worked at his Novo-Ogaryovo residence outside Moscow, rarely going to the Kremlin and cancelling foreign trips to Bulgaria, India and Turkey (though he is now going to Turkey next week). News reports discussed a possible back problem caused by flying an ultralight plane beside some wild cranes in September. The Kremlin dismissed this, saying only that Mr Putin had pulled a muscle while exercising. In another political system, the story might have stopped there, but in Russia the mystery took on symbolic resonance.在十月到十一月的大部分时间里,普京都在莫斯科外的Novo-Ogaryovo的住所办公,很少去克林姆宫,并且取消了去保加利亚,印度和土耳其(虽然下星期他就将出访土耳其)的访问行程。新闻报道讨论总统可能是因为9月乘坐的轻型飞机在一些野生鹤旁边飞行而使背部出了毛病。克里姆林宫拒绝这种说法,说普京总统只不过是在锻炼的时候拉伤了肌肉。在另外一种政治制度下,故事可能就到此为止了。但是在俄罗斯这个神秘事件却有了象征意义。Over the years, Mr Putin has played on traditional Russian deference to the leader while relying on manipulation of the media. The “charismatic aura” for Mr Putin, says Lev Gudkov of the Levada Centre polling group, has produced a system like “Byzantium, only on television.” The real point of the story about Mr Putin’s back was not the supposed ailment but the breaking of a taboo over discussing his health—and his future.在这几年里,普金一直依赖操控媒体来引导俄罗斯大众臣于他的领导。拉维达中心民意调查集团的勒夫古德科威说,普京头上的“魅力光环”催生出一种类似于“电视里的拜占庭”的系统。其实普京事件真正的重点不是他到底得的什么病,而是打破了不能谈论他身体状况和未来的禁忌。The biggest concern is Mr Putin’s isolation. His claim to Germany’s Angela Merkel that Pussy Riot members had hanged the effigy of a Jew in 2008 was bizarre and inaccurate (in fact, the band was protesting against anti-Semitism); either he was misleading her or he had himself been misled. Mr Putin has spent over a decade in power and Yevgenia Albats, editor of the liberal New Times, talks of the “typical syndrome of an ageing general secretary”.最令人担忧的是普京现在的孤立状况。他曾经向德国的安吉拉默克尔宣称,Pussy Riot乐队的成员曾于2008年绞杀一个犹太人的雕像,这个宣称既古怪又不准确(实际上这个乐队抗议的正是反犹太主义);要么就是普京在误导默克尔,要么就是他自己也被误导了。普京执政已经超过十年,对此,新时代杂志的编辑同时也是无党派人士耶维格尼亚阿尔巴特表示,这是“年老的总统的典型症状”。Compared with his early years in charge when he relied on economic aides like German Gref and Alexei Kudrin, Mr Putin has less faith in the counsel of those around him and more certainty in his own judgment. After a difficult year, he believes that he “owes his position to a hard-fought electoral victory, unlike his colleagues who have no mandate from the voters”, says Sergei Guriev of the New Economic School. On many issues, says one former adviser, Mr Putin “thinks he understands the situation, but in fact it can be quite incomprehensible for him”.普京总统当权的早些年依赖其经济助手比如格尔曼.格列夫和阿列克谢.库德林,与那时相比,他现在对他周围的忠告更加不信任而对自己的判断更加确信。在经历了艰难的一年之后,他相信他“把自己的地位归功于通过艰苦奋战取得的选举胜利,不像他那些选民没有授权的同事们”,新经济学院的谢尔盖·瓦西里连科说。一个前顾问说,普京总统在很多事情上“认为他了解情况,但是实际上情况对他来说可能很难以理解”。Decision-making in the Kremlin appears to be on hold. Mr Putin has slowed down progress on the budget, on pensions and on privatisation. This may partly be a prudent move to sit out recent turmoil in global markets. But the danger of what Chris Weafer of Troika Dialog calls a “deliberate policy of inactivity” is that Mr Putin waits too long, acting only when the next political or financial crisis hits him.克林姆宫的决策似乎要推迟了。普京总统放缓了预算、养老金和私有化的进展。部分原因是出于普京对近期全球市场混乱无序的谨慎考虑,不愿去淌这个浑水。但是克丽丝韦弗和特罗伊卡戴尔罗格称此举十分危险,是一种“故意不作为的政策”,也就是说普京一直按兵不动,直到下一次政治或金融危机出现时再采取对策。As for the campaign against corruption, it will go only so far. Corruption is a pillar of Putin-era stability as much as a threat to it. Much of what could be called corruption has become formalised, if not legalised, through official tenders, court rulings and bank-approved loans. That makes it both more prevalent and amorphous—and harder to eliminate.至于反腐斗争,也只能到此为止了。腐败既是普京政局稳定的一大柱,也是一大威胁。被称为腐败的很多东西即使没有合法化,也通过正式投标、法院裁决和许可的贷款变得正常化了。这就导致贪污问题更加普遍,形式更加复杂,更难消除。Alexei Venediktov of the Ekho Moskvy radio station likens the situation to “turbulence” in an aeroplane. The ruling class may know “in which direction and with which pilot” they are flying, he says; but the plane is shaking disconcertingly.回声电台的阿列克谢·维涅季克托夫将此比作飞机遇到的“不稳定气流”。在飞行时统治阶层也许清楚“朝何处前进,和哪位飞行员一同协作”, 但是飞机正在令人不安地摇晃。翻译:孙齐圣译文属译生译世201609/463740

They put a sound effect in there where it sounds like I was slapping him hard all I do was like that, you know what I mean?那段里他们给加了音效了 听着好像我使劲扇了他似的 其实我就这样了一下 你能明白吗she cant help herself!Now thats the shot that you need to know!打我情不自禁啊她 你们就该把这种镜头留住No, but then when I say it on TV It was like...like I smacked hime so hard.结果转天我看电视 好像我 这样扇他了似的which clip? You mean from before?That clip right there. Really?哪段视频? 你是说前面那段吗 就这段 真的?They put a sound effect in there. For live broadcast.It did not hurt!I wasnt there for that.是 他们给加的音效 就为了直播 才不疼呢 这事我不在场You werent there for that one? I went to God.Were gonna have to run that again, cause I didnt hear the loud slap,so...你不在么 我去做礼拜了 我想再看一次 我刚没听到巴掌声呢It had a loud slap on it.It was really, like, it wasnt fair.Well somebody like, we may add, like a louder effect to it.他们真给加了巴掌声 真心的 大大的不公平 要是我们来做 会加上更大的巴掌声的That would be funny.Oh I see, yeah, I see it right there.Not the battle scars, Marc, not the battle scars, come on.那就搞笑了 哦 在那 我还真看见了 别装了Marc 那才不是打架留下的伤So you had, like, how many people did you bring here, all the contestants?Um, almost two, two hundred.we flew back two hundred.你们带回来了多少人 多少选手 大概两百人吧 我们带了两百人飞回来Um, there were a lot of groups that had 15 members, like 20 members.有很多团体就有15,20人这种Yeah, like dance troops, bands like that, or musicians and...;Fire Breezing dragons;对 舞蹈团 乐队之类的 还有“喷火恐龙团”啥的Those add so much flavor to it, like the ones that are here today.这种很有味道的 就像今天来我们节目的这些Like a larger group dancing is really cool.So youve narrowed it down to how many now?Or have you?Yeah, no we have.很多人跳舞的话会很好看 那你们现在筛过剩下多少了 筛了吗? 的确筛过了And how many will be in the live show?Its gonna be around 40, probable.有多少人会上直播赛? 大概可能会在40个左右That was the hardest part for me, it the cutting. Yeah Um, Jennifers first season of idol It really weighed on her.对我来说 淘汰人是最困难的了 是啊 Jennifer在美偶第一年的时候 她 压力就特别大You know the whole cutting thing.And Im like, come on its the...they suck, then just cutem...就这些淘汰的事儿 我就觉得 哎呦 有人烂 那就淘汰呗the...yes to go like...but shes told me how hard it was.Im like, whats so hard? Did yo hear that?whatever.这这 走就走呗 后来她跟我说了这有多困难 我还想 有什么困难的 说什么呢 反正吧 /201605/440974

The attack on Charlie Hebdo查理周刊袭击案Terror in Paris恐怖下的巴黎Islamists are assailing freedom of speech; but vilifying all Islam is the wrong way to counter bloody medievalism伊斯兰教极端者正在攻击言论自由;但是丑化全体伊斯兰教不是一个反抗血腥中世纪主义的好办法THE latest issue of Charlie Hebdo, a satirical French magazine, spotlights Michel Houellebecq, author of a new novel that imagines the Islamisation of France and then the European Union. Critics had denounced Mr Houellebecqs book, which depicts a near future in which Islamists win Frances presidency and compromise its freedoms, as Islamophobic scaremongering. Then, on the day of its publication, masked gunmen attacked Charlie Hebdos offices in Paris. They yelled “Allahu Akbar” as they murdered 12 people and wounded others, in Frances worst terrorist attack for half a century. The gunmen fled; police have named two brothers as suspects. As anti-immigrant sentiment—especially the anti-Muslim kind—seeps across Europe, from street protests in Dresden to English ballot boxes, the atrocity in Paris seemed ghoulishly to realise the continents darkest nightmare; almost, in fact, to caricature it.最新一期的法国讽刺杂志查理周刊聚焦在了Michel Houellebecq身上—一位创作了一本关于法国乃至整个欧盟都被伊斯兰化的新小说的作者。书中伊斯兰教徒赢得了法国总统选举并削弱了国家自由,批评者们谴责他的书是在危言耸听、散布伊斯兰恐慌。 然后,就在这本书出版的那天,蒙面的持者袭击了查理周刊的巴黎总部。他们一边叫喊着“真主至上”一边杀害了12人,打伤多人,这是法国半个世纪以来最为严重的恐怖主义袭击。持者逃走了,警察将两兄弟列为嫌犯。随着反对移民—尤其是反对穆斯林族群的浪潮横扫欧洲大陆,从德累斯顿的街头抗议到英国的投票结果,再到如今的巴黎暴行,都似乎残忍地实了这片土地最为黑暗的噩梦;事实上,这几乎是讽刺漫画的现实翻版。For all the grim, incessant warnings of terrorist threats, naturally the first reaction to this massacre, in France and elsewhere, was outrage. Yet the murders also demand a fuller response. The magazine was targeted because it cherished and promoted its right to offend: specifically to offend Muslims. That motive invokes two big themes. One is free speech, and whether it should have limits, self-imposed or otherwise. The answer to that is an emphatic no. The second is Muslim Europe—and whether episodes such as this are part of a civilisational struggle between Western democracies and extreme Islam, on a battlefield stretching continuously from Peshawar to Raqqa to the centre of Paris. Again, the answer is no.对于所有冷酷的、接连不断的关于恐怖主义威胁的警告,不管是法国还是世界其他地方,面对这场屠杀的第一反应都会是自然而然地怒火中烧。凶手也期待能产生更大的反响。这本杂志之所以被列为攻击目标是因为它珍视并提倡“冒犯别人”的权利:尤其是冒犯穆斯林。这样的动机让人想起两个话题。其一是言论自由是否应该有边界限制,不管这是自我约束还是来自外部的要求。是毋庸置疑的“不”。其二是欧洲的穆斯林—不管像本次事件这样的插曲是否是西方民主与伊斯兰极端主义两大文明之间的挣扎,其战场都绵延不断地从巴基斯坦的白沙瓦延伸到了叙利亚的拉卡再到巴黎市区。而这个,也同样是“不”。Cartoons versus Kalashnikovs卡通漫画对战卡拉什尼科夫冲锋Charlie Hebdo has been hit before. In 2006 its decision to reprint inflammatory cartoons of the Prophet Muhammad, first published in Denmark, was described by Jacques Chirac, then Frances president, as a “manifest provocation”. In 2011 the magazines offices were firebombed after it published an issue purporting to be guest-edited by the Prophet. That did not deter it: despite pleas from some French politicians, it insisted on its right to free speech. This week, when the gunmen came, they reportedly called for the offending cartoonists by name.查理周刊以前就曾遭到袭击。2006年,杂志决定重印曾在丹麦发表过的一篇关于先知穆罕穆德的煽动性漫画,这个决定被法国前总统希拉克描述为“明目张胆的挑衅”。2011年,该杂志发表了一期自称由先知作为客座编辑的刊物,其后就遭到火焰弹的攻击。这些都没能吓倒查理周刊:尽管一些法国政客多次请求,它仍坚持其言论自由的权利。本周,持者在闯入时点名要找那些漫画家。The magazine had the right to publish everything it did, and French law is right to allow it to. There can be no “but” in that sentence. Even when a picture or opinion is imprudent or tasteless, unless it directly incites violence it should not be banned. Charlie Hebdo lampoons all religions, not just Islam—but it would have the right to single out that faith if it wanted to, just as Islamists in Europe are entitled to denounce Western decadence if they so choose. In any case, there is a world of difference, and several centuries of liberal political thought, between giving and taking offence and killing people over it. Nothing can be done with a pencil or a keyboard that warrants a reprisal with a Kalashnikov.杂志有权发表任何东西,法国法律也理所当然地允许这样做,没有例外。即使所发表的图片或者观点是轻率的、没有品位的,只要它没有直接煽动暴力就不应该被禁止。查理周刊讥讽所有的宗教,不只是伊斯兰——如果它想的话,它也有权利只针对某一个宗教,同样的,欧洲的伊斯兰教徒也可以谴责西方的堕落。无论如何,这是一个存异的世界,有着几个世纪的政治自由思想,在激怒与被激怒之间无数人失去了生命。一笔或者一个键盘无论写了什么都不能成为让伊斯兰极端主义者持袭击的合理借口。This attack was more insidious than a random fusillade on a street or train. Part of the aim, probably, was to cow the Western media in their treatment of Islam. It must not. If the proper first response to the slaughter was outrage, after considering the argument that Charlie Hebdo made about free speech, the second response should be outrage, too.这次袭击比在大街上或者火车里随意开扫射更加阴险。他们的目的之一大概就是恐吓并抗议西方媒体对待伊斯兰的方式。这绝对行不通。如果对于这场屠杀的第一个合理的反应是愤慨,那么在考虑到查理周刊所做的关于言论自由的表述之后,第二反应应该还是愤慨。Many observers will connect this fresh footage of gun-wielding men not to cartoons but to another kind of image: chaos in northern Nigeria, the snuff s of Islamic State (IS) and Taliban-inflicted carnage in Afghanistan and Pakistan. All can seem part of a long, ongoing conflict between the values of the Enlightenment and obscurantist barbarism. For those who see things that way, the only solution is to fight back, by cracking down at home and engaging the enemy abroad.很多局外人看到这种持攻击的场面,会想起北尼日利亚的动乱、以及伊斯兰国(IS)和塔利班在阿富汗和巴基斯坦肆意屠杀的炮火连天的影像,而不仅仅是单纯的讽刺漫画。所有的这一切,都可以被看作是一场长期持续的、启蒙价值观与反启蒙野蛮行径之间的矛盾。如果这样来看这个问题,那么唯一的解决办法就是通过国内镇压和海外干预的方式对敌人进行反击。Criminals, not clashing civilisations犯罪不会冲击文明They have a point: there may well be a connection between Paris and foreign jihad. Part of it is ideological: in their minds, at least, terrorists in the West are often waging a worldwide battle for their faith, powered by ideas they pick up on the internet. There is a practical link, too. Some of those involved in recent European plots—and one of the suspects in the Charlie Hebdo attack—have been radicalised and trained in the Middle East, Afghanistan and Pakistan. Nearby and accessible, Syria is the main destination. This reflux is a worry for security services in France (home of the European Unions largest Muslim population) and across the continent, precisely because, newly expert and inflamed, the returnees can perpetrate commando-style attacks like that on Charlie Hebdo. Involving small numbers of assailants and “soft” targets, these are much harder to detect and prevent than elaborate plans to blow up airliners.他们有个观点:巴黎可能与伊斯兰圣战有联系,其中一部分是意识形态的原因。至少西方的恐怖主义者经常为了他们在网络上接受的信仰而在世界各地开辟恐怖活动战场,这相互之间也是有联系的。这些人中有一部分近期就在欧洲策划活动—查理周刊袭击案的嫌犯之一在中东、阿富汗和巴基斯坦接受训练并被极端思想影响。叙利亚由于地理位置临近、出入便捷,也是主要的目的地。恐怖组织者回国已经成为法国(欧盟中穆斯林人口最多的国家)和欧洲大陆其他国家的安全部门最为担心的问题, 因为这些人受过最新的专业训练,他们可能会带着满腔怒火发动像这次查理周刊袭击一样的突袭。由于只涉及少数行动者,且目标容易得手,这种突袭比计划周密的炸飞机更难以发现和预防。But preventing them is not impossible—indeed European security services frequently do. Slow though some were to spot the danger, the French and other governments have introduced measures to stop their citizens travelling abroad to fight, and to intercept them if they come back. Still, more pressure could be applied to Turkey, notionally an ally, to help stop the flow into Syria. “Deradicalisation” programmes for returnees, which might turn some of them into reverse missionaries for the awful truth about IS, are still in their infancy.但是预防也不是没有可能的——这也正是欧洲安全机构一直在做的。尽管进展缓慢,也发现了一些潜在危险。法国和其他政府已经采取措施阻止国民出国加入战斗,如果出去的人想回来也会被阻拦。我们会对土耳其这个理论上的盟友施压,让其协助阻止人们进入叙利亚。对于那些从中东回来的人要实施“去极端化”计划,尽管此项计划仍在酝酿中,仍然有可能令回国者成为宣传IS恐怖行径的亲历见人。For all that, thinking of Islamist terrorism as a single, coherent adversary is misleading and dangerous. The various groups have different backgrounds and goals, just as Muslim diasporas in the West originate in different countries and cultures. Many French Muslims, for example, have roots in north Africa; some are angered by the ban on wearing burqas in public places. Neither factor applies in, say, Britain. Thinking of Muslims overall as a homogenous group is still more foolhardy—however much some of the Wests demagogues encourage voters to. Most are not extremists; fewer still support violence, as mainstream French imams swiftly pointed out.尽管如此,把伊斯兰恐怖主义当作一个单一的、一目了然的对手是危险的误解。就如同西方散居的穆斯林源自不同的国家和文化,不同的恐怖组织也有着各自的背景和目的。比如,很多法国穆斯林来自北非;很多人都因为在公共场所被禁止戴面纱而感到愤怒。英国受到同样的影响。把全体穆斯林看作一个毫无差别的同质群体是莽撞的——然而很多西方的政治家正煽动选民们这么做。正如法国的主流派穆斯林阿訇很快指出的那样,大部分人都不是极端主义者,只有少数人持暴力。The terrorists themselves, of course, are often keen to prove that the West does indeed anathematise all Muslims. To see such killers as representatives of a religion, and to reduce a complex picture to their preferred caricature, would be to reward their crimes—just as circumscribing the principle of free speech would be to bow to their medieval fantasies.当然,恐怖主义者通常都会急切地明西方社会确实打算排挤所有穆斯林。将这种凶手视为宗教的代表,将如此复杂的形势简化为符合其要求的讽刺漫画,将会是对他们所做暴行的奖励—正如同为言论自由划出界限是对他们幻想将世界带回到黑暗的中世纪所做出的妥协一样。译者:邓小雪 译文属译生译世 /201501/355359

Israel and Palestine以色列和巴勒斯坦Take a break僵局再起The two-state solution is still the only one that makes sense. But it wont happen this time round目前两国制仍是解决巴以问题的唯一方式,但这一次依然无法实现。IT IS a cliché: every time a worthy mediator, in this case John Kerry, Americas secretary of state, sets about ending the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, people say the clock-hand has reached “a minute to midnight”; disaster will follow if the parties fail to agree. By Mr Kerrys timetable, the chimes will ring out dolefully at the end of this month (see article). He may find a last-minute rewinding ploy to keep both sides burbling a bit longer. But there is scant chance, even with that extension, of a two-state deal being done. Mr Kerry has tried his heroic best, but this round of peacemaking is fizzling out.这已经是老生常谈了——每当有分量的调停人出现,希望终止巴以冲突时(这一次的大人物是美国国务卿克里),人们就知道了,核威胁怕是迫在眉睫了。一旦双方谈崩,便是灾难的开始。对克里来说,本月底很可能就是哀歌奏响的最终期限。也许他还能找到缓兵之计,使两方继续谈判,但即使再拖下去,两国制的方针也很难真正实现。克里已经勇敢地做出了最大的尝试,但这一轮的调和谈判还是以失败告终了。Disaster will not immediately follow. As things stand, Israel is not under threat, despite its understandable aversion to the prospect of other states in the Middle East, such as Iran, matching it with nuclear weapons. Israel is a prosperous democracy in a region of chaos and bloodshed. Binyamin Netanyahu, its prime minister (pictured left), is unchallenged. The Palestinians demanding a state are weak, divided and quiescent; morose as they are, few favour a return to suicide-bombing.不过灾难也不会瞬间降临。就现在的情况来看,尽管中东的邻国,如伊朗,正在向成为核国家迈进,但以色列并没有遭受实际的威胁。在这片混乱而血腥的土地上,以色列以一个富饶的民主国家屹立于此。本雅明·内塔尼亚胡(Binyamin Netanyahu)作为以色列的总理,他的地位无可争议。巴勒斯坦也要求成为独立国家,尽管他们软弱、分裂、僵化,且国民性格孤僻,但只有极少数人还持自杀式爆炸这种恐怖暴力行为。Yet Israel cannot afford to be complacent in the longer run, for this stalemate poses a real threat if the country is to preserve its essence as both Jewish and democratic. It cannot stay both, if it indefinitely controls the Palestinian territories and their people while denying them full rights under Israeli law, including the vote. And if the Palestinians were enfranchised, demography suggests that a Greater Israel between the Mediterranean and the Jordan river, including Gaza, would no longer be predominantly Jewish. Israel must give the Palestinians a proper state of their own if it is to remain a Jewish democracy.但长久来看,以色列无法自给自足。如果它想要保持自己犹太民主国家的本质,那么这一次的僵局将对其造成真正的威胁。如果以色列无限期地掌控着巴勒斯坦的领土和人民,却又根据以色列的法律拒绝给予他们包括选举权在内的各项权利,那它是无法保持既犹太又民主的本质的。如果巴勒斯坦公民拥有了选举权,那从人口学上看,地中海到约旦河,包括加沙在内的大以色列地区的大部分人口将不再是犹太人。如果以色列想要以犹太民主国的身份存在,那就必须给巴勒斯坦人应有的一个真正意义上的国家。Mr Netanyahu knows this. But most of his own Likud party and much of his coalition still roundly reject the two-state idea, and he is loth to face them down. This time, he has added a clutch of extra demands which his predecessors, notably Ehud Barack at Camp David in 2000 and Ehud Olmert in Jerusalem in 2008, saw no need for—on such issues as boundaries, Jerusalem and the Jordan valley, which many in Likud now want to annex. He has let Jewish settlements on the West Bank expand as fast as ever. And he says the Palestinians must first acknowledge Israel as a specifically Jewish state.内塔尼亚胡明白这一点。但他所在的右翼利库德党(Likud party)和他所领导的政府仍然坚决抵制两国制的想法,他本人也不愿说反对者。这一次,他还在谈判中附带了更多的要求,如两国边界问题,耶路撒冷和约旦峡谷问题,这都是利库德党中很多人想要吞并的地区,但内达尼亚胡的前任们,主要是埃胡德·巴拉克(Ehud Barack)和埃胡德·奥尔默特(Ehud Olmert)分别在2000年的大卫营和2008年的耶路撒冷就已经看出这些要求是没有意义的。他让约旦河西岸地区的犹太人定居点通过去一样快速扩大,同时他还认为巴基斯坦人应最首先认可以色列是一个独立的犹太国家。The Palestinian leader, Mahmoud Abbas (pictured right), says he cannot submit to such demands as a precondition. He would be ditched by his own people if he were to cast Israels Arabs (who are a fifth of Israeli citizens) into what they see as a second-class status and to disavow the Palestinians claimed “right of return” to Israel proper. The fact that the Palestinians will have to climb down in the final stage of any deal only adds, like the Israeli demands, to a sense of bluster.巴勒斯坦领导人马哈茂德·阿巴斯(Mahmoud Abbas)表示,他无法接受这些作为前提条件的要求。如果他将以色列的阿拉伯人(以色列的第五类公民)算入二等公民,并否认巴勒斯坦人宣称的回到以色列的合法权利,那么他将被自己的人民所抛弃。事实是,巴勒斯坦人将在谈判的最后阶段一味妥协,这只会增加民愤,而这正是以色列希望看到的。In an ideal world, Mr Netanyahu, a clever populist, would emulate the late Ariel Sharon by abandoning his partys right wing and the rejectionists within his coalition in order to forge a new ruling coalition genuinely committed to the two-state option; the Knesset arithmetic would let him do so. And Mr Abbas would step down in favour of a more dynamic leader, such as Marwan Barghouti , imprisoned in an Israeli jail for murder: he helped organise a bloody uprising. That, though, might give him the clout to drag the Palestinians into making painful but game-changing concessions.理想情况是,内塔尼亚胡作为一个高明的平民主义者,应效仿已故的以色列前总理阿里尔·沙龙(Ariel Sharon),抛弃利库德党的右翼主义和政府内的反对派,以建立一个新的持两国制的统治集团,以色列议会也会持他这样做的。而阿巴斯也应主动退位,推举更有活力的领导人上台,如因谋杀罪入狱的马尔万·巴尔古提(Marwan Barghouti)。他曾帮助组织了一起血腥的起义,但这让他有一定的影响力去迫使巴勒斯坦做出一些痛苦但具有转折性的让步和妥协。Instead, both sides are embarking on a blame game. Neither will win. The Palestinians are still stateless—and their prospective state is getting smaller. The Israelis face not just the growing opprobrium of the outside world, boycotts and all, but also the prospect of missing another opportunity to ensure the survival of a country that is both democratic and Jewish.但现在,巴以两方都在相互指责,最终只会导致两败俱伤。巴勒斯坦至今仍没有主权,而且未来的希望也变得越来越渺茫。以色列也不仅要面对外界越来越多的指责和抵制,还可能再一次失去保留犹太民主国特性的机会。译者 王安庐 译文属译生译世 /201510/403194

I just did that to freak you out.Im sorry.我就是想吓唬你们 抱歉了Welcome to tonights show.I think we have a great show this evening.Well see.欢迎来观看今晚的节目 今晚的节目真棒啊 走着瞧吧Whats that terrible tone?Oh,Im sorry.什么口气啊 抱歉了Youre supposed to back me all the way out here.we will,well have a great show.你应该绝对挺我的 说真的 节目肯定很棒A lot of fun stuff.Excellent show tonight.Oh,yeah.很多好玩的东西 今晚节目很棒 好耶That was a waste of time.What if I started doing that up top?Thats my new thing.真是浪费时间 如果我一开场就那么做呢 这是我的新表演Lots to talk about.Big,big day for Angelina Jolie today.很多话题可谈 今天是安吉丽娜·朱莉的大日子Did you hear the news?Ok,thats what Im here for.A woman over here went no,please tell me.大家听说了吗 好吧 所以我来给你们说了 那边有个女士 没有呀 说吧Today,Angelina jolie met with pope Francis at the Vatican.Thats cool.今天 安吉丽娜·朱莉在梵蒂冈觐见了弗兰西斯教皇 多酷啊After she left,Pope Francis was overheard saying damn!He said that,his eyes came out.她走之后 有人听到教皇说“美得冒泡啊” 他真这么说 眼睛都瞪出来了His pope hat spun around and came back down.Came back down again.Fun.教皇去嘚瑟了一圈 然后才回来 然后又回来了 好好玩Its true,Angelina Jolie met with Pope Francis.Long story short,she adopted him.真事哦 安吉丽娜·朱莉觐见了教皇 长话短说 她领养了他Yeah,true.she had everything but a pope.Now shes all set.真的哦 她什么样的孩子都有了 就差教皇了 这下全了201609/468183


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